Christine de Pizan (1364-1430?)
Christine de Pizan has been called “France’s first woman of letters,” “the first feminist” and similar titles of precedence. Such titles are generally problematic because they erase the contributions of earlier women as writers and feminists, but there are some grounds for applying these titles to Christine. (She is properly called “Christine” alone, consistent with medieval nomenclature, like “Marsilius” of Padua.) Christine may well have been the first French woman (or man) to make her living as a writer, and the first woman to confront directly, through sustained works of literature and theory, the misogynist ideas and practices of the male intellectual establishment of her time. A woman of outstanding talent and courage, she was a pivotal figure in her time in the arena of gender struggle and in changes in the theory of the state, secularization of political thought, codification of military practice, development of international law, and the origins of peace theory.
Christine de Pizan was bom in Venice in 1364. Her father, Thomas de Pizan, was court physician and astrologer to King Charles V of France, and in her youth she led a comfortable and happy life at court. Her father encouraged her in learning and writing, as did later her husband, Etienne du Castel, who was a secretary to Charles V. She bore three children, of whom two, a daughter named Marie and a son named Jean, survived. Her protected life was brought to an early end, however, by the successive deaths of Charles V (1380), Christine’s father (1387), and her husband (1390). Charles V’s death deprived her father and husband of their positions, and their untimely deaths in turn left Christine, her mother, her children, and a niece without a secure means of support and vulnerable to lawyers and creditors from whom it took years to secure much of her inheritance.
Christine may have supported herself at first as a manuscript copyist, thus learning many aspects of the process of book production. She began writing poetry as a personal consolation in the years after her husband’s death, but as her own works won favor she turned to writing as a source of livelihood. She was able to secure the patronage of various members of the royal family and nobility of France, England, and Italy, who provided her with handsome gifts in return for her books, some of which were spontaneous offerings, while others, such as her biography of Charles V, were specifically commissioned. Christine was thus one of the first writers to earn her living primarily through her writings, not otherwise supported by a family estate, an established profession, or a court or church sinecure. Her position as an independent intellectual and promoter of her own literary and political works was extraordinary for her time and a model for the development of professional writers in modem times.
Though Christine wrote from necessity and her works give evidence of the pressures imposed by her circumstances, her passionate involvement in many of the literary and political issues of her time determined the design and content of what she wrote. The era she lived in was one of the most tumultuous in the history of France, and as the ravages of internal and external conflicts intensified before her eyes, she withdrew eventually from secular life into the cloister. She spent the last decade of her life in a convent, where she died about the year 1430.
Christine wrote in her autobiographical Lavision-Christine, about the year 1406: “Nature willed that from my studies and experience there be bom new works, and commanded: "Take up your tools and hammer out on the anvil the material I shall give you, as lasting as iron and impervious to fire and everything else, and forge objects of delight. When your children were in your womb, you experienced great pain bringing them into the world. Now it is my wish that new works be bom from your memory in joy and delight, which will carry your name forever all over the world, and to future generations of princes.’” This brief passage, like many others in Christine’s writings, is rich in complex images and meanings, forging links between nature and learning, work and childbirth, body and mind, the pain of labor and the joy and delight of creation. Significantly, Christine attributes the source of her intellectual creations to “Nature” rather than “God” and portrays them as “objects of delight” rather than moral strictures.
Christine’s hope that her works would survive as “objects of delight” in future generations has had an uneven fate. Her writings were well known in aristocratic circles in her own day and later enjoyed printings and translations bringing them to a wider literate audience in France, England, Italy, and other countries, particularly in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. But there were long periods in which they fell into total ob-scurity, interspersed with occasional revivals. Yet even centuries of obscurity did not spell the disappearance of her ideas and influence. Just as ideas are never created “de novo,” out of nothing, and Christine drew hers from many written and unwritten sources that came her way, so her own words and thought became part of the intellectual subsoil of what today is called “modernity.”
Page 55 →Christine and her significance were “rediscovered” by scholars in the nineteenth century, but she remained little known through most of the twentieth century. Over the past two decades, however, her work has achieved a level of recognition, attention, and critical scrutiny unusual for any woman writer of political theory, and certainly exceptional for any medieval woman writer. Particularly in recent years, many new editions and translations have appeared, many doctoral dissertations have been devoted to her works, and several new studies have been published addressing specifically her political ideas. She is the first woman theorist to be included in the Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (The Book of the Body Politic, 1994/
Christine is best known today for her extraordinary Book of the City of Ladies (1405) and its sequel, the Book of Three Virtues (1405); and for her interventions in the debates surrounding Jean de Meun's Romance of the Rose (1401—1403). In the City of Ladies, Christine ponders the defamation of women and the hostility of the intellectual establishment to womens learning and calls up three allegorical figures—Reason, Rectitude, and Justice—to aid her in building a society in which the virtue, wisdom, and competence of women would be recognized, encouraged, and defended. Christine's “feminism” has been questioned by Sheila Delaney and other scholars who find her ideas on womens rights and participation in governance incompatible with contemporary feminist principles. But for Sarah Hanley and others, she was the heroic challenger of the male oli-gopoly of learning and power, who “instigated a long debate over political identity and the right to rule” and validated womens rule by historical example and legal and political argument (1998: 297-304).
Christine was also widely known in her own time and in later centuries for many other writings of political significance. Among these we may note her long poetic works, extended political allegories, such as The Letter of Othea to Hector (1401), The Book of the Long Road to Learning (1403), and The Book of the Mutation of Fortune (1404). Biography and autobiography too were vehicles for Christine's political commentary, particularly her biography of Charles V (1404) and Lavision-Christine (1405—1406). Christine also wrote directly and at length on topics conventionally recognized in the canon of political theory: the state and its institutions, the classes of society, war and just war, arms and chivalry, the nature and conditions of peace, the responsibilities of political authority, the horrors of civil war, and the causes of popular rebellion. Her works on these topics include among others: the Letter to Queen Isabel (1403), The Book of the Body Politic (ca. 1407), The Book of Feats of Arms and Chivalry (1410), the Lamentation on the Woes of France (1410), and The Book of Peace (1414).
There has been much debate about the “originality” of Christines works. Many of the prose works were certainly composed in large part of materials taken from other sources, sometimes nearly word for word, some-times rewritten to serve Christine's purposes. This was a common practice in her day, when “plagiarism” was not considered improper and the authority of ancient or learned sources was more prized than the inventiveness of contemporary writers. Christine herself explained her practice repeatedly using the metaphor of building an edifice, or a city, out of the timber or bricks and mortar of learning. As Charity Willard has noted, Christine argued in her biography of Charles V that, just as the worker in architecture or masonry uses stones and other materials which he has not made himself to build a house or a castle according to his design, so she uses whatever is appropriate to the end her imagination has devised.
These remarks suggest, however, that the medieval propensity to such borrowings was coming under challenge in Christine's time. That she was aware of an incipient demand for innovation or originality is evident from her comment on this subject in The Book of the City of Ladies: “For it is not such a great feat of mastery to study and learn some field of knowledge already discovered by someone else as it is to discover by oneself some new and unknown thing” (1.33.1). And while the overarching metaphor of The City of Ladies was that of building a city out of the materials and tools of learning, from which Christine still drew liberally, her own design of the whole, as well as revisions of the parts, made this a work of astonishing and daring origi-nality. The book has been described as an early “utopia” (preceding by more than a century Thomas More's Utopia/offering a unique vision of a separatist women's society outside the confines of religious communities and upholding women's rights and abilities as rulers and intellectuals.
The selections included here, which exemplify Christine's ideas on the state, governance, class divisions, justice, and peace, are drawn from The Book of the Body Politic, translated by Kate Langdon Forhan (1994).
BAC
Sources and Suggested Readings
- Brabant, Margaret, ed. Politics, Gender, and Genre: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1992.
- Carroll, Berenice A. “Christine de Pizan and the Origins of Peace Theory.” In Women Writers and the Early Modem British Political Tradition, ed. Hilda L. Page 56 →Smith, 22-39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
- Christine de Pizan. The Book of Deeds of Arms and Chivalry. Trans. Sumner Willard, ed. Charity Cannon Willard. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999.
- _____. The Book of the Body Politic [1407]. Trans. Kate Langdon Forhan. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
- _____. The Book of the City of Ladies [1405], Trans. Earl Jeffrey Richards; with a foreword by Natalie Zeman Davis. New York: Persea Book, rev. ed., 1982.
- _____. Lavision-Christine [1405-1406]. Ed. Sister Mary Louis Towner. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America, 1932.
- _____. Le Livre de la Paix [1414]. Ed. Charity Cannon Willard. The Hague: Mouton, 1958.
- _____. A Medieval Woman's Mirror of Honor: The Treasury of the City of Ladies [Le Livre de Trois Vertues, 1405]. Trans, and ed. Charity Cannon Willard. New York: Persea, 1989.
- _____. A Medieval Woman's Mirror of Honor: The Treasury of the City of Ladies [Le Livre de Trois Vertues, 1405]. Trans, and ed. Charity Cannon Willard. New York: Persea, 1989.
- _____. The Writings of Christine de Pizan. Ed. Charity Cannon Willard. New York: Persea Books, 1994.
- Green, Karen. “Christine de Pisan and Thomas Hobbes.” Philosophical Quarterly 44,177 (October 1994): 456-75.
- Hanley, Sarah. “The Politics of Identity and Monarchic Government in France: The Debate over Female Exclusion.” In Women Writers and the Early Modem British Political Tradition, ed. Hilda L. Smith, 289-304. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
- Hicks, Eric, ed. Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose: Christine de Pisan, Jean Gerson, Jean de Montreuil, Gontier et Pierre Col. Paris: H. Champion, 1977.
- Kennedy, Angus J. Christine de Pizan: A Bibliographical Guide. 2nd ed. London: 1994.
- Quilligan, Maureen. The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizan's Cité des Dames. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991.
- Willard, Charity C. Christine de Pizan. Her Life and Works: A Biography. New York: Persea Books, 1984.
- Yenal, Edith. Christine de Pisan: A Bibliography. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1982.
- Zimmerman, Margarete, and Dina De Rentiis, eds. The City of Scholars: New Approaches to Christine de Pizan. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994.
The Book of the Body Politic (1407)
Part One. On Princes
Here begins the Book of the Body Politic which speaks of virtue and manners and is divided into three parts. The first part is addressed to princes, the second to knights and nobles, and the third to the universal people.
Chapter 1. The first chapter gives the description of the Body Politic
If it is possible for vice to give birth to virtue, it pleases me in this part to be as passionate as a woman, since many men assume that the female sex does not know how to silence the abundance of their spirits. Come boldly, then and be shown the many inexhaustible springs and fountains of my courage, which cannot be stanched when it expresses the desire for virtue.
Oh, Virtue, noble and godly, how can I dare to flaunt myself by speaking of you, when I know that my understanding neither comprehends nor expresses you well?
But what comforts me and makes me bold is that I sense that you are so kind that it will not displease you if I speak of you, not about what is most subtle, but only in those areas which I can conceive or comprehend. So, I will speak about you as far as it concerns the teaching of good morals, by speaking first of the industry and rule of life for our superiors; that is, princes, whose majesties I humbly supplicate not to take wrongly nor disdain such a small intelligence as mine, that such a humble creature dares undertake to speak about the way of life for higher ranks. And may it please them to remember the teaching of the Philosopher, who said, “Do not disdain the wise words of the insignificant despite your own high position.” Next by the grace of God, I hope to speak on the manner of life of knights and nobles. And then, thirdly, on the whole universal people.
These three types of estate ought to be one polity like a living body according to the words of Plutarch who in a letter which he sent to the Emperor Trajan compared the polity to a body having life. There the prince and princes hold the place of the head in as much as they are or should be sovereign and from them ought to come particular institutions just as from the mind of a person springs forth the external deeds that the limbs achieve. The knights and nobles take the place of the hands and arms. Just as a person’s arms have to be strong in order to endure labor, so they have the burden of defending the law of the prince and the polity. They are also the hands because, just as the hands push aside harmful things, so they ought push all harmful and useless things aside. The other kinds of people are like the belly, the feet and the legs. Just as the belly receives all that the head and the limbs prepare for it, so, too, the activity of the prince and nobles ought to return to the public good, as will be better explained later. Just as the legs and feet sustain the human body, so, too, the laborers sustain all the other estates.
Page 57 →Chapter 2. Which describes how virtuous felicity is symbolized
First we have to discuss virtue, to the benefit of the rule of life for the three different estates. Virtue must regulate human life in all its works. Without it, no one can have honor. Whatever the degree of honor, Valerius says, honor is the plentiful food of virtue. And on this subject, Aristotle said, “Reverence is due to honor as a testimony of virtue,” which means that honor must not be attributed but to a virtuous person, because he is not speaking about the powerful nor about the rich, but the virtuous. According to him, only the good are honored. Nothing is more desired by noble hearts than honor. As he says himself in the fourth book of the Ethics, neither power nor riches is without honor. Now it is true that kings and powerful princes are especially invested with honor, and as a consequence, virtue, so it is appropriate to distinguish the aspects of virtue. In chapter 20 of his book, The City of God, St. Augustine says that the philosophers say that virtue is the objective of all human good and evil. That is, human happiness comes from being virtuous.
Now it is fitting that there is great delight in happiness, otherwise it would not be happiness, and this joy and happiness ancient philosophers described and symbolized in this manner: Felicity is a very beautiful and refined queen seated on a royal throne, and the virtues are seated around her and look at her, waiting to hear her commands, to serve her, and to obey. She commands Prudence to inquire how she can stay healthy and in good condition so that she can reign a long time. And she commands Justice to do everything that she should and keep the laws so that there will be peace. And she commands Courage that if any pain should come to her body, to moderate it by resisting it with virtuous thought. She commands Temperance to take wine, food, and other delectable things in moderation so that anything she takes is for a reason and not to her detriment. This description allows one to understand that to be virtuous is nothing more than to have in one everything that attracts good and which pushes away evil and vice. Thus, in order to govern the body of the public polity well, it is necessary for the head to be healthy, that is, virtuous. Because if it is ill, the whole body will feel it....
Chapter 8. Of the observance towards God and toward the law which the prince ought to practice
The good prince who loves God will know his commandments by memory, and how the worthy name of God must not be taken in vain. To this purpose he will proclaim an edict throughout his land, which will forbid on pain of severe punishment anyone swearing on or denying his Creator. Alas, there is great need in France at present for such an edict, because it is horrible that the whole of Christendom has the custom of such disrespect toward the Savior. One can scarcely hear any other language, whether it be in jest or another manner of speech, but everyone swears horribly at every word about the torments of the passion of our redeemer, and they forsake and deny him. I believe that the pagans of old would not have treated their gods and idols so!
All these things the good prince ought to forbid, because they are opposed to and disapproved by the Christian religion and could be the cause of the wrath of God and the subversion of kingdoms and countries where they take place, as some prophesies tell. And so, the good prince who loves God will carefully observe and keep the divine law and holy institutions in everything that is worthy and devout (which I will not discuss for reasons of brevity, and also because most people would prefer to hear of less boring things). But the good prince that keeps and observes these things ought to believe firmly that God will guard, defend, and increase him in virtue of soul and body. And why should he not have faith in God, the living, all powerful, and just, when the pagans trusted that their needs would be met generously, because of the worship that they gave to their gods and their idols? It appears, by what Valerius says, that the city of Rome desired to serve the gods conscientiously, and he said, “Our city has always set aside everything for the service of the gods,” even those things that concerned the honor of the sovereign majesty, that is, the emperors, because they had, he says, firm belief that in doing thus they acquired the rule and the governance of the world, and also because of this “the emperors of our city have generally not abandoned the constant service of holy things.”
This suffices for the first point of the first part, on the virtue of the prince, which should be founded on and should demonstrate the fact that he loves and serves God.
Chapter 9. How a good prince ought to resemble a good shepherd
Now we have discussed the first point on which the goodness of the prince ought principally to be founded, so next we shall speak of the second point, that is, that the good prince ought especially to love the public good and its augmentation more than his own good, according to the teaching of Aristotle's Politics, which says that tyranny is when the prince prefers his own good over the public good. This is against royal lordship as well, for he ought to care more for the benefit Page 58 →of his people than his own. Now he shall be advised on how to demonstrate this love.
The good prince who loves his country will guard it carefully, following the example of the good shepherd. As he guards his sheep from wolves and evil beasts, and keeps them clean and healthy so that they can increase and be fruitful and yield their fleece whole, sound, and well nourished by the land on which they are fed and kept, so that the shepherd will be well paid by their fleece, shorn in time and in season. But the rich good shepherd who gives them to others to keep because he cannot take care of all his flocks himself, provides himself with good and capable help. So he takes good, careful servants, wise and hard working in their craft, whom he understands and knows are loyal and prefer his interest. So he orders that those servants be equipped with good strong dogs with iron collars, well trained by being brought to the field to chase off wolves. So they let them loose at night in the fold so that thieves coming for the sheep are attacked by them. By day, they keep them tied to their belts while the sheep graze peacefully in the fields. But if these servants feel any fear of wolves or evil animals coming out of the woods or mountains, they then unleash the dogs, and let them run after them and nip at their heels. And to give the dogs greater boldness against the wolf or evil animal the servants run after them with good ironclad staffs. And if any sheep goes out of the flock, the good hounds go after it and, without doing it harm, they bring it back to the flock. In this manner, the wise servants defend and take care of them so well that they yield a good account to the head shepherd.
Just so, the good prince is mindful of the defense and care of his country and people, even though it is impossible in person. In every place he has responsibility, he will always provide himself with very good assistance, in deeds of knighthood and for other things; that is, the brave leaders whom he knows are good and loyal and who love him, such as constables, marshals, admirals and others, to whom he gives responsibility for furnishing other good soldiers, well-taught and experienced in war, whom he binds to him by an oath, not to leave without permission and are so ready to do his business that if needed they will go attack his enemies, so that the country is not despoiled, pillaged, nor the people killed.
This does not mean that the soldiers themselves should pillage and despoil the country like they do in France nowadays when in other countries they dare not do so. It is a great mischief and perversion of law when those who are intended for the defense of the people, pillage, rob, and so cruelly, that truly short of killing them or setting their houses on fire, their enemies could do no worse. This is not the right manner of warfare, which ought to be just and without extortion, and if not, the soldiers and the princes that send them to war are in great peril of the wrath of God falling on them and punishing them severely. Before God, there is no doubt that the justifiable curses of the people, when they have been oppressed too much, can cause evil fortune to fall, as, for example, one finds in many places in Holy Scripture; for everyone ought to know that God is just, and all this is the fault of an evil order.
For if soldiers were well paid, one could restrict the main pain of punishment to take nothing without paying for it, and by this means they could find provisions and everything that they needed economically and plentifully. It is too greatly astonishing how people can live under such a law without any compassion from the soldiers for the pity of their life. But the Holy Spirit, father of the poor, will visit them! Now, if a shepherd had a dog that ran after his sheep, he would hit him with his staff. It is not a thing a good prince who loves God and his people should bear, and just as one unleashed the dogs at night in the fold to keep them from thieves, so must the head keep watchmen and spies along the borders so that the country and the people are not surprised by thieves or by some trickery, and so that they can know the plans of their enemies.
The soldiers ought to have yet another duty. Just as the good dog brings back the strayed sheep, so they ought to bring back the common people or others who from fear or dread or evil want to rebel and take the wrong side. They ought to bring them back to the right path either by threats or by taking good care of them. Although it displeases some and surprises others, I compare the noble office of arms to the nature of the dog because, truly, the dog naturally has many characteristics which the good man-at-arms ought to have. The dog loves his master marvelously and is very loyal to him. And the man-at-arms should be also. He is tough and exposes himself to death for his master and when he is committed to guarding any place he is very alert and has excellent hearing in order to run after evil doers or thieves. He will not bite the friends of his master but naturally sniffs at them, nor does he bite the neighbors nor those of the household where he is fed, but he guards them instead. He is very tough and fights with great skill. He has a good understanding, knowledge, and is very amiable to those who do him kindness. And all these characteristics are those of the good soldier....
Page 59 →Chapter 11 The love that the prince ought to have for his subjects
Now let us examine a little the rights of the prince according to the law; that is, whether the good prince can raise any new taxes or subsidies above his usual revenue over his demesne for any reason. It seems to me that the laws give enough freedom and permit him to do so for some cause. For example, to defend the land from his enemies if he is attacked by war, for which he ought to have paid soldiers for the defense of the country. Also for marrying his children, or paying ransom for them if they should be captured. And in this case especially, the good prince can raise a new tax over and above his natural demesne over his subjects without infringing on the law.
But this should be done compassionately and discretely [sic] so [as] to hinder the poor less, and without taking more than what is necessary for the particular cause, such as war or for whatever it was set. And the rich, in this case, ought to support the poor, and not exempt the rich, as is done nowadays, leaving the poor the more heavily burdened.
I dare say, no matter who is displeased, saving their reverence, it is a marvelous right that the rich and high officials of the king or princes who have their rank and power as a gift of the king and princes are able to carry the burden, are exempt from taxes, and the poor who have nothing from the king have to pay. Is it not reasonable if I have given a great gift to my servant, and give him a rich livelihood and his estate, and it happened that I had some need, that he comes to my aid more than the one who has had nothing from me? It is a strange custom that is used nowadays in this kingdom in the setting of taxes. But if it were changed, it must be uniform, not that some of the rich pay and others not, for this would bring envy, because some would despise those who paid as a form of servitude. If everyone paid, no one would be reproached. Nevertheless I do not mean that those who fought for the defense of the country should not be exempt. I say things for the poor. Compassion moves me because their tears and moans come bitterly forth. There are some who come to pay this money imposed on them and then they and their poor household starves afterwards, and sells their beds and other poor possessions cheaply and for nothing....
... If I were allowed to say something more about this, how much more could I say; but the knowledge of these things does not please the evil ministers who have enriched themselves, and they will reprimand me. I could tell them without arrogance something that Euripides, the great poet, said to the Athenian who asked him to quote a sentence from the tragedy that he had written. “Tragedy,” said Valerius, “is a way of writing that represents misdeeds done on the orders of the polity; either by the community or by princes.” He said that he did not write his sayings in order to reprimand nor to be reprimanded, but in order to teach us to live well. About the poet, Valerius said that he would not dishonor himself by obeying the words of the people and ignoring his own....
Chapter 19. How the good prince ought to love justice
According to my judgment, we have sufficiently discussed the subject of the first two points and the branches that descend from them, on how the natural and non-tyrannical good prince ought to establish and build his government, as we promised before. First he ought to love and fear God above all else. Secondly, he loves and cares for the public good of his land and country more than his own good. Now it remains to speak of the third point, which is that he ought to keep and maintain justice. It is appropriate to speak first on what justice is. Afterwards, how to keep it is necessary, and how the ancients were well trained to keep it. We will use appropriate examples of things as we did previously.
“Justice,” said Aristotle, “is a measure which renders to each his due,” and much more could be said in describing this virtue. But on this subject I have spoken elsewhere, especially in the Book of Human Wisdom, so I will discuss this the more briefly at present so as to present some examples. The good prince ought to keep justice in such fashion that no favoritism will lead him to impede or to destroy it. Our ancestors loved justice so much that they did not spare even their own children. There was once an emperor who proclaimed an edict that anyone who broke a certain law would lose his two eyes. When it was broken by his own son, rather than blind his own heir so that he could not govern the republic, he found a remedy to satisfy the punishment without preventing the son from governing one day. But this remedy was too pitiful: his son had one of his eyes put out, and he put out his own, as the other. I say that justice was kept more rigorously than it is now....
But to pass from examples of great rigor, let us discuss how the good prince keeps justice and what is necessary for him to do so. First, and principally, to do this he ought to be provided with wise and prudent men and good councillors, who love his soul and honor and the good of the country more than their own Page 60 →benefit. But I fear that presently there are not very many! If the prince has wise councillors he can maintain the rule of justice and other particular laws, and increase and multiply the virtue, strength, power and wealth of his country. Oh, who is the prince who can sufficiently deserve the wise, loyal, and good counsellor because of the great good that comes from following his advice if he wants to believe him? Is it not said in the History of the Romans that the wise Scipio Na-sica (who was of the lineage of the other noble Scipios who were so valiant in warfare) despite the fact that he did not live by his weapons like the others, he was so wise and prudent in the council and governing of the republic that he did as much as the others did by their weapons?
Using his lively intelligence he fought against some of the powerful Romans who wanted to overpower the Senate and the good of the people. Valerius said about him that he deserved no less praise in his “coat of peace” than other warriors deserved in their “coat of arms” because he defended the city from many great problems and much good resulted because of him.
Chapter 20. What councillors the prince ought to have
Now it is appropriate to consider what people the prince should choose as his councillors. Should he choose from among the young? No, because they counselled Jeroboam badly in the past as they have many others. Therefore they should be chosen from the old, the most wise and experienced, because they are more capable and ready to advise than the young. It is necessary that the loyal councillor be well-informed on the things about which he counsels. He should not believe lightly in a thing that appears good before proving its truth, examining and inquiring. At first glance a thing may appear to be what it is not. In the Rhetoric, Aristotle said that the old and elderly did not have the habit of believing lightly, because they had been defrauded in their lives many times. They do not make decisions on doubtful things, but often interpret things for the worst, because many times they have seen the worst happen, thus they will not give advice hastily. They do not put great hopes on a little foundation and little evidence, because many times they have seen things come to pass differently from how one thought they would, and so they will not advise great undertakings without serious consideration. Most commonly these things are the opposite in the young, as other habits are naturally more weighty in the old.
But I do not say that all the old are wise! For Aristotle says that there are two kinds of age, one which follows after a well ordered and temperate youth, which Tully (Cicero) praises in his book On Old Age. The other is age which comes after a wasted and dissolute youth, and it is subject to many miseries and is not worth recommending. Thus I have said that the prince ought to choose councillors from the old and the wise. To speak more of them; although they do not have great bodily strength, like the young, all the same, they are greater in virtue and discreet in advice, which is more useful and more profitable than bodily strength, and is so much more to be praised. And the most noble virtues are understanding, discretion, and knowledge rather than strength of the body. Where the wisdom and counsel of the old and wise are followed, the royal majesties, cities, politics, and public affairs are well governed and sustained, which are often destroyed by the young, as Tully says, and which appears clear in many histories. Thus while age takes away bodily strength it abounds in strength of intelligence and understanding, which are more praiseworthy things... .
Chapter 21. How a good prince, despite being good natured and kind, ought to be feared
The nature of justice and what it serves and to what extent is well known and understood; it is appropriate for the good prince to punish (or have punished) evildoers. And so I will pass by this for a time and proceed to that which also befits the good prince: The virtue of justice, which renders to each that which is his due, according to his power. If he keeps this rule, which is just, he will not fail to do equity in everything, and thus, he will render to himself his due. For it is rational that he has the same right he gives to everyone, which means that he would be obeyed and feared by right and by reason, as is appropriate to the majesty of a prince.
For in whatever land or place where a prince is not feared, there is no true justice. How it is appropriate for the prince to be feared is shown by the worthy man Clearcus who was Duke of Lacedemonia (which is a large part of Greece where there once was a marvelously valiant people). This duke was so chivalrous and great a warrior that his people were more afraid of their prince than death and their enemies. Because of his words and also the punishment that he gave malefactors and cowards, they gave themselves without sparing, by which they achieved marvelous things. There is no doubt that the good prince ought to be feared despite being gentle and benign. His kindness ought to be considered a thing of grace which one ought to particularly heed rather than scorn. It is for this reason the ancients painted the goddess of lordship as a seated lady of very high rank on a royal throne, holding in one hand an olive branch and in the other a naked sword, Page 61 →showing that rule must include kindness and mercy as well as justice and power....
Chapter 22. How the good prince ought to use the good counsel of the wise
We have said how the prince honors the wise. Now we will describe how he follows their advice. A knight, captain called Municius, as Valerius recounts, wanted to give thanks to Fabius, by whom he and his army were saved. “Fair Lords,” he said to his knights, “I have often heard say that he is first in action who knows how to give good advice, and he is second who follows good advice, but the one who neither acknowledges advice nor follows it is useless. And because of this, fair lords,” he said, “nature removes from us the first, that is, we are not wise enough to give advice, because we have not lively intelligence enough. Therefore let us do the second, that is, obey Fabius who is wise and gives good counsel.” And so they did, and because of his wisdom, they were victorious in battle.
And on the subject of believing the wise and following their advice, [Aristotle's] great Dialectic says that one ought to believe each expert in his art. This means that the good prince ought to consult a variety of people according to the variety of things to do. For the governance of justice and the diverse important cases which he hears, he ought not to take advice from his soldiers nor his knights, but from jurists and clerks of this science. The same with warfare; not from clerks but from knights, and similarly in other matters. As Valerius said about Quintus Scaevola, despite his being a very wise jurist and interpreter of the law, every time someone came to him to ask advice on any custom of the offices of Rome, he sent those who asked to Furius or to Castellanus, who were experts on these customs, even if by chance he knew them just as well. But he wanted everyone to take care of the branch of knowledge to which one was devoted, no more. By which fact, said Valerius, he confirmed his authority, more because he did not claim for himself any office, than because of the superiority of his knowledge. This is unlike those who out of envy of others and arrogance want to meddle in everything.
The good prince should follow the advice of the wise in order to do justice and equity to himself and to others, ensure that those he has commissioned to office are not corrupted nor of evil life, and he should see to it that his judges do not favor one party more than another, as was discussed before, and ensure that the powerful are not spared more than the humble. Yet commonly the rich are favored over the poor, which is against God, against right, and against reason. Anacharsis, the philosopher compared law to spider webs, and said that the spider webs never caught fat flies nor wasps, but catch little flies and frail butterflies, while letting strong birds go, which often destroy them when they fly through. So it is with the law, because the great and powerful often break it and pass through without fear, but the little flies are caught and trapped. This commonly happens to the poor and humble people because of the avarice of ministers of justice. And on this Pericles (who was a wise man and of great authority in the city of Athens, and the most virtuous as Tully tells us in his On Duties), said that whoever administers justice should have not only continent hands and tongue but also his eyes, which means that a judge ought to keep from receiving gifts which corrupt human judgment. Also he should keep himself both from talking too much and from incontinence of the flesh, for the common people take the life of the powerful as an example.
Chapter 23. How the good prince ought to observe the actions of his officers
. . . From this we have learned that in the well governed republic certain persons should be chosen from any rank, according to their proper position, as shown before. This means that soldiers and others who belong to that group are those who are capable for military offices; and clerks and students are appropriate for the speculative sciences, philosophy, and liberal arts, likewise for other offices, as Tully said. And the good prince ought to see them as a necessity, for the honor and glory of the kingdom, the land, and the country increases most through an abundance of clerks and wise scholars, because he is well advised by them, as I said before. On which Plato said (according to the first book of the Consolation by Boethius), the republic will be very happy if the wise govern it, or else if the governors of princes study wisdom. Through this, the whole community would obey the laws and rules of reason. And thus, as I have already often said, it would be appropriate to get rid of the presumption of many who desire honors without being worthy of them, so that the worthy are honored and receive them, and the unworthy reform themselves. And the worthy and unworthy are discerned by such practices, as is ordained by study of the sciences....
Part Two. On Knights and Nobles
Here begins the second part of the book, which addresses chivalrous nobles.
Chapter 1. The first chapter describes how these nobles are the arms and hands of the body politic
Having concluded speaking to princes whom we Page 62 →described according to Plutarch as the head of the living image of the body politic and exhorting them to virtuous life, it is appropriate in this second part of the present book to keep our promise and speak of the arms and hands of this image, which according to Plutarch, are the nobles, knights, and all those of their estate. In order to follow the style already begun, we ought to discuss their introduction to virtue and good manners, and particularly to deeds of chivalry, for they are responsible for guarding the public, according to the writing of the authors.
While the same virtue is just as appropriate and necessary for the ordinary person, the simple knight, or the noble, as for princes, nevertheless, the estates differ in their way of life, in their conversation, and kinds of activity; thus it is suitable for my treatment of the subject to differ as well. The thing that is appropriate for the prince to do is not appropriate for the simple knight or noble, and likewise the opposite. But there is no doubt that one can speak the same to nobles as to princes when it concerns the aforementioned virtues. This means that it is also their part to love God and fear Him above all else, to care for the public good for which they were established, to preserve and love justice according to their competences; just as it is for princes and other human beings. To be humane, liberal and merciful, to love the wise and good and to govern by their advice, and likewise they should have all the other virtues, which I do not think I will describe for them, as it suffices to have described them once. What I have said before concerning the virtues serves each estate in the polity, and each individual person, therefore I will not proceed much longer in this form. For it is sufficient to speak of the manner in which everyone ought to do his own part in the order that God has established, that is, nobles do as nobles should, the populace does as it is appropriate for them, and everyone should come together as one body of the same polity, to live justly and in peace as they ought....
Chapter 5. How there are six good conditions that are necessary for nobles and knights, and the first of the six
It seems to me that according to the writings of the authors on the manners of noblemen, six conditions are especially necessary if they desire honor due for their merits. Otherwise their nobility is nothing but a mockery. The first is that they ought to love arms and the art of them perfectly, and they ought to practice that work. The second condition is that they ought to be very bold, and have such firmness and constancy in their courage that they never flee nor run from battles out of fear of death, nor spare their blood nor life, for the good of their prince and the safe keeping of their country and the republic. Otherwise they will endure capital punishment through sentence of the law, and be dishonored forever.
Thirdly, they ought to give heart and steadiness to each other, counselling their companions to do well, and be firm and steadfast. The fourth is to be truthful and to uphold their fealty and oath. Fifthly, they ought to love and desire honor above all worldly things. Sixthly, they ought to be wise and crafty against their enemies and in all deeds of arms. To those who observe them and keep these conditions well there will be honor. But it is no doubt more difficult to do these things than it is to speak of them! Therefore, Aristotle said that the greatest honor is found where the greatest difficulty is.
On the first condition that the noble ought to have, which is to love and practice arms, and keep them right, we can give the examples of many noble knights. But since we have begun with the history of the Romans, let us continue with them, for it seems to me that they particularly loved warfare, and as a consequence were very noble (that is, the good ones who are mentioned in the writings of ancient authors where the deeds are told). And although they loved arms well, they also observed knightly discipline, that is they kept right in suitable things by rules, so that they failed in nothing. Those who broke the established rules were punished. Valerius said that the discipline of chivalry, that is keeping the rules and order appropriate to it, was the highest honor and firm foundation of the empire of Rome. Moreover, he said that they won their greatest victories, they secured the state, and the certain position of happy peace and tranquility because they kept their discipline well....
Chapter 9. On the third good condition that knights and captains ought to have
It commonly happens that a person who has been instructed on or taught an art or custom, works hard and takes trouble to teach others, and incline them to the same thing; therefore, the sages say, "If you keep company with the good, you will come to resemble them, but if you often see the evil, you will become like them.” And so if one desires to be master of an art or a science, it is necessary to associate with the masters and practitioners of whatever one desires to do. For as will be described in the last part of this book, one ought to believe every expert in his own art. On our subject, that is the third condition that the good knight or soldiers ought to have, as we have discussed in the beginning of this second part, any nobleman in arms ought to honor and emulate the good and noble both in the theory and practice of this science.
That I call it "science” could seem to be an error to Page 63 →some, but it seems to me (to speak clearly without quibbling over subtleties), anything which has correct rules of order and measure that ought to be kept can be called science. And there is nothing in the world in which it is more necessary to keep measure and order than military activity, otherwise in battle everything is confusion, as we know from experience. Vegetius wrote his own book called The Book of the Science and Art of Chivalry where he speaks of the rules that ought to be kept. And to prove that it is true that there is no rational art where rules are more necessary, he quotes the very noble knight Scipio Africanus, saying, "The greatest shame in the activity of knighthood is to say I don't believe it.” Something ought only to be done after such good advice and counsel and for such good reasons that it could not be a problem of believing or not; because there could be no room for doubt in battle. This saying is confirmed by the aforementioned Vegetius in the first book of Chivalry. In other things, if one errs one can correct the error or fault, but incorrect orders and misconduct in battle can not be rectified because the misdeed is immediately punished. If such a one dies dishonorably, or flees, or falls into slavery, it is fitting if he is captured and treated harshly because such things are more painful than death to the courageous.
And because we have entered into the chapter where we hope to discuss how good soldiers ought to encourage one another to be valiant, and good, and to have the manners and morals [moeurs] they ought (which words are particularly and principally appropriate for the instruction of leaders and captains of armies and battles), let us tell more about the valiant prince Scipio, mentioned above and what he said to his knights. He said that no one ought to fight his enemies, that is, attack them, without just cause. But if the cause is just, they ought to not wait until they are attacked, for in a just cause, right gives greater boldness. And in such a case a man ought to fight securely, but not unless he is forced to fight. But in the case where he is attacked, if he does not defend himself, it is shameful because it would be cowardice and show little confidence in good fortune, which would be bad....
Part Three. On the Common People
Here begins the third part of this book, which is addressed to the universal people.
Chapter 1. The first chapter discusses how the estates must unite and come together
In the first part of this book concerning the instruction of princes, we depicted the aforementioned prince or princes as the head of the body politic, as planned before. Thereafter followed the second part, on the education of nobles and knights, which are the arms and the hands. In this part, with God's help, let us continue with what we can pluck from the authorities on this subject of the life of the body of the aforementioned polity, which means the whole of the people in common, described as the belly, legs, and feet, so that the whole be formed and joined in one whole living body, perfect and healthy. For just as the human body is not whole, but defective and deformed when it lacks any of its members, so the body politic cannot be perfect, whole, nor healthy if all the estates of which we speak are not well joined and united together. Thus, they can help and aid each other, each exercising the office which it has to, which diverse offices ought to serve only for the conservation of the whole community, just as the members of a human body aid to guide and nourish the whole body. And in so far as one of them fails, the whole feels it and is deprived by it.
Thus it is appropriate to discuss the way the final parts of the body should be maintained in health and in well-being, for it seems to me that they are the support and have the burden of all the rest of the body, thus they need the strength and the power to carry the weight of the other parts. This is why, just as we said earlier, the good prince must love his subjects and his people, and we spoke of the office of nobles which is established to guard and defend the people.
It is suitable to speak of the love, reverence, and obedience that his people should have for the prince. So let us say to all universally: all the estates owe the prince the same love, reverence and obedience. But after I have said something about the increase of virtue in their life and manner of living, perhaps I will discuss the three ways the different classes ought to express the generalized principle. And because sometimes there are complaints among the three different estates— princes, knights and people—because it seems to each of them that the other two do not do their duty in their offices, which can cause discord among them, a most prejudicial situation, here is a moral tale told as a fable:
Once upon a time there was great disagreement between the belly of a human body and its limbs. The belly complained loudly about the limbs and said that they thought badly of it and that they did not take care of it and feed it as well as they should. On the other hand, the limbs complained loudly about the belly and said they were all exhausted from work, and yet despite all their labor, coming and going and working, the belly wanted to have everything and was never satisfied. The limbs then decided that they would no longer suffer such pain and Page 64 →labor, since nothing they did satisfied the belly. So they would stop their work and let the belly get along as best it might. The limbs stopped their work and the belly was no longer nourished. So it began to get thinner, and the limbs began to fail and weaken, and so, to spite one another, the whole body died.
Likewise, when a prince requires more than a people can bear, then the people complain against their prince and rebel by disobedience. In such discord, they all perish together. And thus I conclude that agreement preserves the whole body politic. And so attests Sallust, "in concord, little things increase, and by discord, great things decrease.”
Chapter 2. On the differences between the several peoples
Although the writing of books and especially those on manners and instruction must be general and relate to the inhabitants of all countries (since books are carried to many places and regions), because we reside in France we will restrict our words and teaching to the French people, although these words and instruction would seem to generally serve as a good example in all other regions where good and correct understanding is desired.
Throughout the whole world, lands which are governed by humans are subject to different institutions according to the ancient customs or places. Some are governed by elected emperors, others by hereditary kings, and so on. And there are cities and countries which are self governed and are ruled by princes which they choose among themselves. Often these make their choice more by will than by reason. And sometimes, having chosen them by caprice, they seem to depose them the same way. Such government is not beneficial where it is the custom, as in Italy and many places.
Other cities are governed by certain families in the city that they call nobles, and they will allow no one not of their lineage to enter their counsels nor their discussions; this they do in Venice which has been governed thus since its foundation, which was very ancient. Others are governed by their elders who are called "aidermen.” And in some places, the common people govern and every year a number of people are installed from each trade. I believe that such governance is not profitable at all for the republic and also it does not last very long once begun, nor is there peace in and around it, and for good reason. But I will not say more for reasons of brevity. Such was the government of Bologna. I would have too much to do to speak of each people separately, but when it comes to choosing the most suitable institution to govern the polity and the community of people, Aristotle says in Book III of the Politics, that the polity of one is best, that is, governance and rule by one. Rule by a few is still good, he says, but rule by the many is too large to be good, because of the diversity of opinions and desires.
On our subject, I consider the people of France very happy. From its foundation by the descendants of the Trojans, it has been governed, not by foreign princes, but by its own from heir to heir, as the ancient chronicles and histories tell. This rule by noble French princes has become natural to the people. And for this reason and the grace of God, of all the countries and kingdoms of the world, the people of France has the most natural and the best love and obedience for their prince, which is a singular and very special virtue and praiseworthy of them and they deserve great merit.
Chapter 3. The obedience to the prince that a people ought to have
It pleases the good to have one's merits to be praised, although to be praised scarcely matters to those who are wise. As I have said before, no matter what anyone said to diminish their worth, it causes them to be pleased and delight more in goodness. For just as prudent persons who are curious about their health would like the advice of doctors, even though they have no symptoms of illness, but so they may live in health, it pleases them to have a regimen to preserve their health. Likewise, we will comfort the loyal people of France in order to preserve them in the good and faithful love that they are accustomed to and always have for their very noble, venerable, and above all, praiseworthy and redoubtable princes. And so that they understand and know that by doing so, they act as virtuous and good people, this will be demonstrated here by quotations on the subject from Holy Scripture and other examples.
The Holy Scriptures in many places advise subjects to render themselves humble subjects and to be readily obedient to their lords and rulers. So St. Paul says in the thirteenth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans: "All living creatures ought to be subject to powerful rulers, for those powers that princes have are commanded by God. And he who resists their power, he is recalcitrant or rebellious against the command of God.”
And this same St. Paul, in chapter 3 of the Epistle to Titus, counsels the common people to hold themselves subject to princes and high powers. And this adage is given by St. Peter in his first epistle, chapter 2 where he says, "Be subject to your lords in fearful dread.” But, so that no one can excuse oneself by saying that this only applies to princes that are good, St.Page 65 → Peter declares plainly, “Suppose that the princes were bad,” he says, “then subject yourself for the love of God, and especially to the king as the most excellent and to the leaders [ducz] sent by God for the punishment of evildoers and for the glory of the good and of their good deeds.”
And for those who may complain about the tribute and taxes that it is suitable to pay to princes, they are to understand that it is a thing permitted and accepted by God. And so Holy Scripture gives an example to demonstrate how subjects ought not to refuse to pay that which is commanded. In chapter 22 of his gospel, Saint Matthew tells how the Pharisees asked Our Lord if they must pay taxes to Caesar the emperor, to which Our Lord answered, saying “Give to Caesar that which is Caesar's and to God that which is His,” which means that taxes are due to the prince. In the seventeenth chapter of his gospel, Saint Matthew also tells how Our Lord sent St. Peter to the river and told him to look in the mouth of the first fish which he caught and he would find a coin. And He told him to take this coin to those who collected the taxes of the emperor in payment for the two of them. Thus, our Lord himself gave an example of being subject in deed and in word to revere and obey lords and princes. On this point of loyalty towards the prince, I believe that God has saved people of France from many perils, because of their goodness and merit....
Chapter 4. Here we begin to discuss the third estate of the people, and first, clerics studying the branches of knowledge
In the community of people are found three estates, which means, especially in the city of Paris and other cities, the clergy, the burghers and merchants, and the common people, such as artisans and laborers. Now it is suitable to consider the things to say that are beneficial as examples of good living for each of the distinct estates since they are different. And because the clerical class is high, noble, and worthy of honor amongst others, I will address it first, that is, the students, whether at the University of Paris or elsewhere.
Oh well advised, oh happy people! I speak to you, the disciplines of the study of wisdom, who, by the grace and good fortune or nature apply yourselves to seek out the heights of the clear rejoicing star, that is, knowledge, do take diligently from this treasure, drink from this clear and healthy fountain. Fill yourself from this pleasant repast, which can so benefit and elevate you! For what is more worthy for a person than knowledge and the highest learning? Certainly, you who desire it and employ yourself with it, you have chosen the glorious life! For by it, you can understand the choice of virtue and the avoidance of vice as it counsels the one and forbids the other.
There is nothing more perfect than the truth and clarity of things which knowledge demonstrates how to know and understand. There is no treasure of the goods of fortune that he who has tasted of the highest knowledge would exchange for a drop of the dregs of wisdom. And truly, no matter what others say, I dare say there is no treasure the like of understanding. Who would not undertake any labor, you champions of wisdom, to acquire it? For if you have it and use it well, you are noble, you are rich, you are all perfect! And this is plain in the teachings of the philosophers, who teach and instruct the way to come through wisdom to the treasure of pure and perfect sufficiency....
Chapter 6. On the second estate of people, that is the burghers and merchants
I said before that the second rank of people is composed of the burghers and merchants of the cities. Burghers are those who are from old city families and have a surname and an ancient coat of arms. They are the principal dwellers and inhabitants of cities, and they inherit the houses and manors on which they live. Books refer to them as “citizens.” Such people ought to be honorable, wise and of good appearance, dressed in honest clothing without disguise or affectation. They must have true integrity and be people of worth and discretion, and it is the estate of good and beneficial citizens. In some places, they call the more ancient families noble, when they have been people of worthy estate and reputation for a long time. And so, in all places, one ought to praise good burghers and citizens of cities. It is a very good and honorable thing when there is a notable bourgeoisie in a city. It is a great honor to the country and a great treasure to the prince.
These people ought to be concerned with the situation and needs of the cities of which they are part. They are to ensure that everything concerning commerce and the situation of the population is well governed. For humble people do not commonly have great prudence in words or even in deeds that concern politics and so they should not meddle in the ordinances established by princes. Burghers and the wealthy must take care that the common people are not hurt, so that they have no reason to conspire against the prince or his council. The reason is that these conspiracies and plots by the common people always come back to hurt those that have something to lose. It always was and always will be that the end result is not at all beneficial to them, but evil and detrimental. And so, if there is a case sometime when the common people seem to be aggrieved by some burden, the Page 66 →merchants ought to assemble and from among them choose the wisest and most discreet in action and in speech, and go before the prince or the council and bring their claims for them in humility and state their case meekly for them, and not allow them to do anything, for that leads to the destruction of cities and of countries.
So, to the extent of their power, they should quiet the complaints of the people because of the evil that could come to all. They must restrain themselves this way, as well as others. And if sometimes the laws of princes and their council seem to them to appear, according to their judgment, to be wrong, they must not interpret this as in bad faith, and there may be danger in foolishly complaining, but they ought to assume that they have good intentions in what they do, although the cause might not be apparent. It is wisdom to learn when to hold one's tongue, said Valerius, citing Socrates, the most noble and praiseworthy philosopher. Once he was in a place where many complained of the laws of princes, and one of them asked him why he alone said nothing when the others spoke. "Because,” said he, "I have sometimes repented of speaking but never of holding my tongue.” ...
Chapter 7. How the wise burghers ought to counsel the simple people in what they should do
As was said before, the wise should teach the simple and the ignorant to keep quiet about those things which are not their domain and from which great danger can come and no benefit. And as testimony to this, it is written in chapter 22 of the book of Exodus that the law forbids such complaints and says also "you will not complain about great rulers nor curse the princes of the people.” And Solomon confirms this in the tenth chapter of Ecclesiastes, saying "Do not betray the king in your thought,” which means that no subject ought to conspire against his lord.
It is also dangerous to complain about or disobey the laws of princes....
These things could be given as an example in any country, but merciful God has not put cruel and bloody princes against their people in France. Because of all the nations of the world, I dare say without flattery, it is true that [there] are no more benign and humane princes than in France, and thus they ought all the more to be obeyed. And even if sometimes by chance it seems to the people that they are grieved and burdened, they should not believe that other places are less so, and even supposing that were true because of their chartered liberties that other peoples enjoy, yet they may have other services and usages that are more detrimental, like great wrongs done to them, or murders amongst themselves, because there is no justice which guards them or treats them in another way. And in spite of those who contradict me, I hold that of all the countries in Christendom, in this one the people commonly live better both because of the benevolence of princes without cruelty, and because of the courtesy and amiability of the people of this nation. And I do not say this out of favoritism, because I was not born here. But, God be my witness at the end, I say what I think! And since I have enquired about the government of other countries and I know there is no paradise on earth, I know that everywhere has its own troubles....
Chapter 8. On merchants
As we discussed before, the merchant class is very necessary, and without it neither the estate of kings and princes nor even the politics of cities and countries could exist. For by the industry of their labor, all kinds of people are provided for without their having to make everything themselves, because if they have money, merchants bring them afar all things necessary and proper for human beings to live. For it is a good thing that persons can occupy different offices in the world. For otherwise, one would be so busy with trying to make a living that no one could attend to other aspects of knowledge—thus God and reason have provided well.
And for the good that they do for everyone, this class of people—loyal merchants who in buying and selling, in exchanging things one for another by taking money or by other honest means—are to be loved and commended as necessary, and in many countries are held in high esteem. And there is no important citizen in any city who is not involved with trade, however, they are not considered thereby less noble. So Venice, Genoa, and other places have the most rich and powerful merchants who seek out good of all kinds, which they distribute all over the world. And thus is the world served all kinds of things, and without doubt, they act honestly. I hold that they have a meritorious office, accepted by God and permitted and approved by the laws.
These people ought to be well advised in their deeds, honest in their labor, truthful in their words, clever in what they do, because they have to know how to buy and resell things at such a price as not to lose money, and ought to be well informed about whether there are enough goods and where they are going short and when to buy and when to sell—otherwise their business will be gone.
They ought to be honest in their work, that is that Page 67 →they ought not, under threat of damnation and awful punishment of the body, treat their goods with any tricks to make them seem better than they are in order to deceive people so that they might be more expensive or more quickly sold, because every trade is punished when there is fraud in one. And those that practice deception ought not to be called merchants but rather deceivers and evil doers. Above all, merchants should be truthful in words and in promises, accustomed to speaking and keeping the truth so that a simple promise by a merchant will be believed as certain as by a contract. And those that keep their promises and are always found honest should prefer to suffer damage rather than fail to keep an agreement, which is a very good and honest custom, and would please God, if others in France and elsewhere would do the same. Although there may be some that do wrong, I hold that by the mercy of God, there are those who are good, honest, and true. May God keep them rich, honorable and worthy of trust! For it is very good for a country and of great value to a prince and to the common polity when a city has trade and an abundance of merchants. This is why cities on the sea or major rivers are commonly rich and large, because of the goods that are brought by merchants from far away to be delivered there. So these people ought to be of fair and honest life without pomp or arrogance and ought to serve God in courage and reverence and to give alms generously from what God has given them, as one finds among those who give a tenth of their goods to the poor and who found many chapels, places of prayer, and hospitals for the poor. And so there are those of such goodness that if God pleases, they truly deserve merit in heaven and goodness and honor in the world.
Chapter 9. The third class of the people
Next comes the third rank of the people who are artisans and agricultural workers, which we call the last part of the body politic and who are like legs and feet, according to Plutarch, and who should be exceptionally well watched over and cared for so that they suffer no hurt, for that which hurts them can dangerously knock the whole body down. It is therefore more necessary to take good care and provide for them, since for the health of the body, they do not cease to go “on foot.” The varied jobs that the artisans do are necessary for the human body and it cannot do without them, just as a human body cannot go without its feet. It would shamefully and uselessly drag itself in great pain on its hands and body without them, just as, he says, if the republic excluded laborers and artisans, it could not sustain itself. Thus although some think little of the office of the craftsman that the clerics call “artisans,” yet it is good, noble, and necessary, as said before. And among all other good things which exist, so this one should be even more praised because, of all the worldly estates, this one comes closest to science. Artisans put into practice what science teaches, as Aristotle says in his Metaphysics, because their works are the result of sciences, such as geometry, which is the science of measurement and proportion without which no craft could exist. To this a writer testifies, saying that the Athenians wanted to make a marvelous altar to Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, and because they wanted a notable and beautiful work above all, they sought advice from the best teachers. They went to the philosopher Plato as the most accomplished master of all sciences, but he sent them to Euclid instead as the master of the art of measurement, because he created geometry which is read everyday in general studies.
And from this can one see that artisans follow science. For masons, carpenters, and all other workers in whatever crafts work according to the teachings of the sciences. “To be praised is to master a craft,” says Valerius, “so that art will follow nature.” When a worker properly copies a thing which nature has made, as when a painter who is a great artist makes the portrait of a man so lifelike and so well, that everyone recognizes him, or when he makes a recognizable bird or other beast; so too the sculptor of images makes a likeness, and so on. And so some say that art is the “apess” or the “apes” of nature, because a monkey imitates many of the ways of man, just as art imitates many of the works of nature.
But nonetheless, they say, art can not imitate everything, so one ought to praise the skillful in art and believe those who have experience in it, for there is no doubt that no one speaks as appropriately of a thing as the one who knows it. And I believe the most skilled artisans of all crafts are more commonly in Paris than elsewhere, which is an important and beautiful thing....
Chapter 10. On simple laborers
On the subject of simple laborers of the earth, what should I say of them when so many people despise and oppress them? Of all the estates, they are the most necessary, those who are cultivators of the earth which feed and nourish the human creature, without whom the world would end in little time. And really those who do them so many evils do not take heed of what they do, for anyone who considers himself a rational creature will hold himself obligated to them. It is a sin to be ungrateful for as many services as they give us! And really it is very much the feet which support the Page 68 →body politic, for they support the body of every person with their labor. They do nothing that is unpraise-worthy. God has made their office acceptable, first, because the two heads of the world, from whom all human life is descended, were laborers of the earth. The first head was Adam, the first father, of whom it is written in the second chapter of Genesis, “God took the first man and put him in a paradise of pleasures, to work, cultivate and take care of it.” And from this scripture one can draw two arguments to prove the honesty of labor: The first is that God commanded it and made it first of all crafts. The second, that this craft was created during the state of innocence.
The second head of the world was Noah from whom, after the flood, all humans are descended. It is written in the ninth chapter that Noah was a laborer, and after the flood he put himself to work on the land and planted vineyards. And so our fathers, the ancient patriarchs were all cultivators of the earth and shepherds of beasts (whose stories I will not tell you for the sake of brevity), and in the olden days it was not an ignoble office nor unpraiseworthy. . ..
Because of these stories, we can understand that the estate of simple laborer or others of low rank should not be denigrated, as others would do. When those of the highest rank choose for their retirement a humble life of simplicity as the best for the soul and the body, then they are surely rich who voluntarily are poor. For they have no fear of being betrayed, poisoned, robbed, or envied, for their wealth is in sufficiency. For no one is rich without it, nor is there any other wealth....
Anaxagoras agreed that happiness is to have sufficiency. In the prologue to the Almagest, Ptolemy says “he is happy who does not care in whose hands the world is.” And that this saying is true is proven by all the sages, the poets, and especially, those perfect ones who have chosen a pure and poor life for the greatest surety. For although one can be saved in any estate, nonetheless it is more difficult to pass by flames and not be burned. There is no doubt that the estate of the poor which everyone despises has many good and worthy persons in the purity of life.
Chapter 11. Christine concludes her book
I have come, God be praised, to the end I intended, that is I bring to an end the present book, which began, as Plutarch described, with the head of the body of the polity which is understood to be the princes. From them, I very humbly request first that the head of all, the King of France, and afterwards the princes and all those of their noble blood, that the diligent labor of writing by the humble creature Christine —this present work, as well as her others such as they might be—are agreeable to them. And since she is a woman of little knowledge, if by ignorance any faults are found, let her be pardoned and her good intention better known, for she intends only good to be the effect of her work. And I beg in payment from those living and their successors, the very noble kings and other French princes, in remembrance of my sayings in times to come when my soul is out of my body, that they would pray to God for me, requesting indulgence and remission of my sins.
And likewise, I ask of French knights, nobles, and generally of all, no matter from where they might be, that if they have any pleasure in the hours they saw or heard read from my little nothings, that they think of me and say an Our Father. And in the same way, I wish the universal people—the three estates and the whole together—that God by His holy mercy desire to maintain and increase them from better to better in all perfection of souls and bodies. Amen.
Here it ends.