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The Futurism of Young Asia: and Other Essays on the Relations Between the East and the West: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity1

The Futurism of Young Asia: and Other Essays on the Relations Between the East and the West
Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity1
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table of contents
  1. Front Matter
    1. Title Page
    2. Table of Contents
  2. Preface
  3. Part I. The Futurism of Young Asia
    1. 1. A Critique of Social Philosophy
    2. 2. The Doctrine of Superior Races.
    3. 3. The Logic of the Occident.
    4. 4. The Alleged Pessimism of the Orient.
    5. 5. The So-called Opening of China.
    6. 6. The Real Cycles of Cathay.
    7. 7. The Comparative Method.
    8. 8. The Age of Modernism.
    9. 9. The Event of 1905.
    10. 10. The Demand of Young Asia.
    11. Notes
  4. Part II. Asia and Eur-America.
    1. Leavings of the Great War (1914-1918)
      1. 1. The War and Asia.
      2. 2. Revolution vs. Reaction.
      3. 3. Evacuation of Asia.
      4. 4. Bolsheviks and the British Empire.
      5. 5. A Monopoly in World Control.
      6. 6. Achievements of the War.
      7. 7. The Fallacies of Neo-liberalism.
      8. 8. Bulwark of World Peace.
      9. 9. The New Germany and Young Asia.
      10. Notes
    2. Persia and the Persian Gulf (1906-1919).
      1. 1. Reconstruction in the Persian Gulf.
      2. 2. The New Persia in Realpolitik.
      3. Notes
    3. Asia in Americanization.
      1. 1. The Race-Problem of the New World.
      2. 2. America's Ultimatum to Asia.
      3. 3. The Oriental Factor in the Immigrant Population.
      4. 4. The Basis of Discrimination.
      5. 5. Asians vs. Latins and Slavs.
      6. 6. Persecution of Asians in America.
      7. 7. Anti-Chinese "Pogroms" of the United States (1855-1905).
      8. 8. The Crime of Colour.
      9. 9. Americanism in the New Asia.
      10. 10. New Asian States and America.
      11. 11. India in the United States.
      12. Notes
    4. A View of France
      1. 1. Prevalent Notions about France.
      2. 2. The Atmosphere of Paris.
      3. 3. French Discoveries and Inventions.
      4. 4. Knowing France.
      5. 5. The Challenge to Young India.
      6. 6. A Call to Comradeship.
      7. 7. French Economics and India.
      8. 8. India in French Communism.
    5. Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity1
      1. 1. Method of Approach.
      2. 2. Christ-lore in History.
      3. 3. Confucianism and Buddhism Analyzed.
      4. 4. The Doctrine of Avatâra. (Deification of Man.)
      5. 5. Rapprochement in Religious Psychology.
      6. 6. The Ethical postulates of China, India, and Christendom.
      7. Notes
    6. The World's Great Classics.
      1. 1. Eur-American Methodology
      2. 2. The New Criticism.
      3. 3. Classicism and Christ-lore.
      4. 4. From the Mediaeval to the Romantic.
      5. 5. Folk-Imagination.
      6. 6. Inductive Generalization.
      7. Notes
    7. View-Points in Aesthetics.
      1. 1. Two Specimens of Art-Appreciation.
      2. 2. The Current Standard of Aesthetic Appraisal.
      3. 3. The Boycott of Western Culture.
      4. 4. Achievements of the Modern Mind.
      5. 5. The Alleged Indian Point of View.
      6. 6. Race-Ideals in Fine Arts.
      7. 7. Aesthetic Revolution.
      8. 8. Historical Art-Criticism.
      9. 9. Philosophical Art-Criticism.
      10. 10. The Themes of Art.
      11. 11. Swarâj in Shilpa.
      12. 12. The Art-In-Itself or Pure Art.
      13. 13. The Alphabet of Beauty.
      14. 14. Structural Composition or Morphology of Art.
      15. 15. The Idiom of Painting.
      16. 16. Form and Volume in Colour.
      17. 17. The Geometry of Sculpture.
      18. 18. The Mechanism of Colour-Construction.
      19. Notes
    8. Old India in the New West.
      1. 1. Naval Architecture.
      2. 2. The So-Called Bell-Lancasterian Pedagogics.
      3. 3. Shakuntalâ and the Romantic Movement.
      4. 4. The Gitâ in Europe and America.
      5. 5. Manu as the Inspirer of Nietzsche.
      6. 6. India in the Universities and Movies.
      7. 7. Sanskritic Culture and the "Comparative" Sciences.
      8. Notes
    9. Oriental Culture in Modern Pedagogics.
      1. 1. Asia in Liberal Culture.
      2. 2. Chinese Poetry.
      3. 3. China's Paintings.
      4. 4. A Modern Superstition.
      5. 5. The Pluralistic Universe.
      6. 6. Hindu Synthesis.
      7. 7. The India of Colonialists and Orientalists.
      8. 8. The Ideas of 1905.
      9. 9. Human Interests of Oriental Achievements.
      10. 10. Expansion of the Mind.
      11. 11. A Call to Cosmopolitanism.
      12. 12. The Message of Equality.
      13. Notes
  5. Part III. Revolutions in China
    1. The Beginnings of the Republic in China.
      1. 1. The Revolutionist Manifesto.
      2. 2. Despotism and Mal-administration.
      3. 3. East and West.
      4. Notes
    2. Political Tendencies in Chinese Culture.
      1. 1. Revolutions in Chinese History.
      2. 2. The Logic of the Fish.
      3. 3. Achievements and Failures of the Manchus.
      4. 4. The Chinese Herodotus on the Law of Revolutions.
      5. Notes
    3. Young China's Experiments in Education and Swarâj.
      1. 1. Swarâj before Education.
      2. 2. China's Educational Endeavours.
      3. 3. Embryology of Democracy.
      4. 4. "Absolute" Revolutions.
      5. Notes
    4. The Democratic Background of Chinese Culture.
      1. 1. Local and Gild Liberties.
      2. 2. Centralizing Agencies.
      3. 3. Chinese Political Philosophy.
      4. Notes
    5. The Fortunes of the Chinese Republic (1912-1919).
      1. 1. Revolutions and Reactions.
      2. 2. North and South in Chinese Politics.
      3. 3. Min Kuo (Republic) Triumphant.
      4. 4. Constitutional Agitation under the Manchus.
      5. 5. The Struggle over the Constitution in Republican China.
    6. The International Fetters of Young China.
      1. 1. Foreign Possessions in China.
      2. 2. China's Sovereignty in Realpolitik.
      3. 3. Bolshevik Renunciations.
      4. 4. The Demands of Young China.
      5. 5. The "Never-Ending Wrongs" of the Chinese People.
        1. I. Sphere of Influence.
        2. II. Extra-territoriality.
        3. III. Treaty-ports.
        4. IV. Financial Vassalage.
        5. V. Turiff Restrictions and Boxer Indemnity.
        6. VI. Industrial Tutelage.
        7. VII. Servitude of the Mind.
      6. 6. The Psychology of the Semi-Slave.
      7. Notes
  6. Part IV. Tendencies in Hindu Culture
    1. Fallacies regarding India.
      1. 1. Injustice to the Orient.
      2. 2. Secular Literature of the Hindus.
      3. 3. Humanity and Hindu Culture.
      4. 4. Greater India.
      5. 5. Epochs of Hindu Culture.
      6. 6. Hindu Institutional Life.
    2. International India.
      1. 1. Intercourse with the Egyptians.
      2. 2. With the Aegeans.
      3. 3. With the Semitic Empires of Mesopotamia.
      4. 4. With the Hebrews.
      5. 5. With the Zoroastrians of Persia.
      6. 6. With the Hellenistic Kingdoms.
      7. 7. With the Roman Empire.
      8. 8. With the Chinese.
      9. 9. With the Saracens.
      10. 10. With Europe during the Later-Middle Ages.
      11. 11. With Europe since the Renaissance.
      12. 12. The only "Dark Age" of India.
      13. Notes
    3. Humanism in Hindu Poetry
      1. 1. The Here and the Now.
      2. 2. Yearning after Fire.
      3. 3. Idealism.
      4. 4. Love and War.
      5. 5. Bhartrihari's Synthesis.
      6. 6. Mother-Cult.
      7. 7. Vishvanâtha, the Critic.
      8. Notes
    4. The Joy of Life in Hindu Social Philosophy.
      1. 1. Occidental Pessimism.
      2. 2. Hindu Militarism.
      3. 3. Buddhism in Hindu Culture.
      4. 4. Western Mysticism.
      5. REFORMAT
      6. 5. Hindu Materialism.
      7. 6. Hindu Achievements in Organization.10
      8. Notes
    5. An English History of India.1
      1. 1. Comparative History.
      2. 2. Smith's Fallacies.
      3. 3. Islam in India.
      4. 4. Hindu Period.
      5. 5. Modern India.
      6. Notes
  7. Part V. Young India (1905-1921)
    1. The Methodology of Young India.
      1. 1. Pluralism in Politics.
      2. 2. Protestants in Science.
      3. 3. Revolt against Orientalists.
      4. 4. Varieties of Intellectual Experience.
      5. 5. The Novel Urges of Life.
      6. 6. A New Creed.
      7. 7. The Doctrine of Satyâgraha.
      8. 8. The Gospel of Shakti-Yoga.
      9. Notes
    2. World-Culture in Young India.
      1. Notes
    3. Currents in the Literature of Young India.
      1. 1. Recent Bengali Thought.
      2. 2. The Songs of Young Bengal.
      3. FORMAT ALL POEMS IN THIS CHAPTER
      4. 3. Dutt and Sen.
      5. 4. Romanticism in Fiction.
      6. 5. Gujarati Prose and Poetry.
      7. 6. Songs of the Marathas.
      8. 7. Marathi Drama.
      9. 8. Hari Narayan Apte.
      10. 9. Bâl Gangâdhar Tilak.
      11. 10. Themes of Literature.
      12. 11. The Wealth of Urdu.
      13. 12. "National" Education.
      14. Notes
    4. Science and Learning in Young India.
      1. 1. Criterion of Intellectual Advance.
      2. 2. Extra-Indian Data.
      3. 3. Three Sciences Demanding Cultivation.
      4. 4. The Ideas of 1905.
      5. Notes
    5. A British History of Revolutionary India (1905-1919).1
      1. Notes
    6. Viewpoints on Contemporary India (1918-1919).1
      1. 1. An Antiquarian on Modern India.
      2. 2. A British Socialist on Young India.
      3. 3. India and the British Empire.
      4. 4. The Proletariat and Nationalism.
      5. 5. An Indian Interpreter.
      6. 6. Map-Making as a Function of Revolutions.
      7. 7. Two Indias.
      8. 8. An Attempt at Theorizing.
      9. 9. Why not a Pluralistic but Free India?
      10. 10. Comparative Politics.
      11. Notes
    7. India's Struggle for Swarâj (1919-1921).
      1. 1. The Roll of Honour.
      2. 2. All-round Boycott.
      3. 3. National Organization.
      4. 4. Ideas of 1905.
      5. 5. Social Service and Solidarity.
      6. 6. Proletarianism and Class-Struggle.
      7. Notes
    8. The Foreign Policy of Young India (1921).
      1. 1. India's Responses to the World.
      2. 2. Greater India.
      3. 3. The World-Test.
      4. 4. Young India in the International Balance.
      5. 5. The Foreign Affiliations of Indian Politics.
      6. 6. The Foreign Services of Young India.
      7. 7. Indian Embassies and Consulates.
  8. Appendix
    1. Notes

Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity1

1. Method of Approach.

We propose to briefly review three great religions of mankind in their historical as well as psychological relations. Let us assume for our present consideration the fact that every religious system advances, in the first place, a set of hypotheses generally known as theological dogmas, in the second place, a body of practices and notions that for the absence of a better term may be called superstitions, and in the third place, a code of moral sanctions. As a rule, it is the higher intellectuals in a community that are interested in the doctrines of theology, and the man in the street in the theatrical, scenic or anecdotal aspects of God, the soul, and the other world. The morals, however, though they depend in the last analysis on the individual's status in the economic grades or classes of a people, may for ordinary purposes be taken to be the outcome of its general consensus and collective tradition. In a study of comparative religion we must take care to point out exactly which of these three phases of socio-religious life we have singled out for discussion, for it is clear that it would be unscientific to compare the popular superstitions and folk-beliefs of one faith with the metaphysical speculations in which the high-browed Doctors of Divinity indulge in another.

As it is always convenient to proceed from the known to the unknown, we shall begin with Christianity, or rather use Christ-lore as the peg on which to hang Buddhism and Confucian-cum-Taoism for analytical and historical investigation. And in stead of dealing with abstractions we would appraise each of these world-religions in its concrete embodiments.

2. Christ-lore in History.

Dante, the greatest poet-saint-mystic of Roman Catholicism, was very much agitated over the "she-wolf" (moral and political muddle of his time). He used to predict the advent of a "Greyhound", a Veltro, or Deliverer, who would restore on earth the Universal Italian Empire, both temporal and spiritual. His prophecy finds expression in several eloquent passages of the Divine Comedy. Thus Virgil, the "master and guide" of the poet, gives the following hope in the first canto:

"This beast
At whom thou criest her way will suffer none
To pass, and no less hindrance makes than death:
To many an animal in wedlock vile
She fastens, and shall yet to many more,
Until that Greyhound come, who shall destroy
Her with sharp pain. He will not life support
By earth nor its base metals, but by love,
Wisdom and virtue; and his land shall be
The land 'twixt either Feltro. In his might
Shall safety to Italia's plains arise,
For whose fair realm Camilla, virgin pure,
Nisus, Euryalus and Turnus fell."

The same apocalyptic faith in a Yugâvatâra or God-incarnate-in-man has maintained the optimistic Hindu in all ages of national distress. The advent of Messiahs to embody the successive Zeitgeists is thus guaranteed in the Gîta by Lord Krishna Himself:

"Whensoever into Order

Corruption creeps in, Bharata,

And customs bad ascendant be,—

Then Myself do I embody.

For the advancement of the good

And miscreants to overthrow

And for setting up the Order

Do I appear age by age."

Mediaeval Christianity did not produce only one Divine Comedy. Each of the Gothic Cathedrals of the thirteenth century Europe is a Divine Comedy in stone. It may be confidently asserted that the spiritual atmosphere of these noble structures with their soul-inspiring sculptures in alabaster and bronze has not been surpassed in the architecture of the East.2

We shall now exhibit a few specimens of Christian anthropology. On Xmas and New Year days the folks of Christendom are used to forecasting their lot according to the character of the first visitor. And what is the burden of their queries? "What will be the weather?", they ask, and "what the crops?" How, besides, are they to "fare in love and the begetting of children?" And a common superstition among the Hausfrauen enjoins that wealth must come in, and not be given out on these days. Such days and such notions are not rare in Confucian-Taoist and Buddhist Asia.

It is well known, further, that in South West England as in parts of Continental Europe there are several taboos in regard to food. Hares, rabbits, poultry, for instance, are not eaten because they are "derived from his father", as the peasant believes.3 There is nothing distinctively Christian in these customs and traditions. Asians can also heartily take part in the processions attending the bathing of images, boughs of trees etc. with which the rural population of Christian lands celebrate their May pole or summer festivities. And they would easily appreciate how men could be transformed into wolves through the curse of St. Natalis Cambrensis.

Would the ritualism, the rosary, the relic-worship, the hagiology, the consecrated edifices, the "eternal" oil-lamps in Waldkapellen (forest-chapels), pilgrimages, prayers, votive offerings, self-denial during Lent, fasts and chants of the Christians scare away the Shintoists, Buddhists or Taoists? By no means. Indeed, there are very few Chinese, Japanese or Hindus who would not be inspired by the image of Mary. Nations used to the worship of Kwanyin or Lakshmi could not find a fundamentally new mentality or view of life in the atmosphere of a Greek or Catholic Church service. And the doctrine of faith (bhakti, saddhâ), the worship of a Personal God, and preparedness for salvation (mukti) are not more Christian than Buddhist or Hindu.

Men and women who do not feel strong without postulating God would produce almost the same philosophy of the Infinite and of the immortal soul if they happen to be intellectual. But if they happen to be emotional or imaginative as human beings generally are, they would create more or less the selfsame arts (images, pictures, bas-reliefs, hymns, prayers, rituals, fetishes, charms). Humanity is, in short, essentially one,—in spite of physical and physiognomic diversities, and in spite of deep historic race-prejudices. The effort to understand the nature of God or the relations between Man and the Divinity is the least part of a man's real religion. The élan vital of human life has always and everywhere consisted in the desire to live and in the power to flourish by responding to the thousand and one stimuli of the universe and by utilizing the innumerable world-forces.

3. Confucianism and Buddhism Analyzed.

But before we proceed further it is necessary to have definite connotations of the terms Confucianism and Buddhism, so that we may know precisely as to what phenomena they correspond with in Christianity. For the terms are really ambiguous and elastic.

In the first place, Confucianism is the name wrongly given to the cult of public sacrifices devoted to Shangti (the One Supreme Being), the Tao (or the Way), and ancestor-worship that has been obtaining among the Chinese people since time immemorial. This cult of what is really an adoration of nature powers happens to be called Confucianism simply because Confucius (B. C. 551-479), the librarian at Lu State in Shantung, compiled or edited for his countrymen the floating Ancient Classics, the Yi-king (Book of Changes), the Shu-king (Book of History), the Shî-king (Book of Poetry) and others in which the traditional faith finds expression. The work of Confucius for China was identical with that of Ezra (B. C. 450) of Isreal who edited for the Hebrews the twenty four books of the Old Testament that had been burnt and lost. In this sense, or thus misnamed, Confucianism had existed among the Chinese long before Confucius was born, in the same manner as the Homeric poems had been in circulation in the Hellenic world ages before Pisistratus of Athens had them brought together in well-edited volumes.

In the second place, Confucianism is often considered as not being a religion at all, because it is wrongly taken to be equivalent to positivism i.e. a Godless system of mere morals, and hence alleged to be necessarily inadequate to the spiritual needs of man. The fact, however, is quite otherwise. The Socratic sayings of of Confucius, that are preserved in the Analects, the Doctrine of the Mean, and other treatises, have indeed no reference to the supernatural, the unseen or the other world. The fallacy of modern sinologues consists in regarding these moralizings as the whole message of China's Super-man. Strictly speaking, they should be treated only as parts of a system which in its entirety has a place as much for the gods, sacrifices, prayers, astrology, demonology, tortoise worship, divination and so forth of Taoist China as for the purely ethical conceptions of the duty towards one's neighbor or the ideal relations between human beings.

Thirdly, this alleged positivism or atheism of Confucius, and the pre-Confucian religion of ancient China, which for all practical purposes was identical with the polytheistic nature-cult of the earliest Indo-Germanic races have both to be sharply distinguished from another Confucianism. For since about the fifth century A.C. the worship of Confucius as a god has been planted firmly in the Chinese consciousness and institutions. This latter-day Confucius-cult is a cult of nature-forces affiliated to the primitive Shangti-cult, Heaven-cult, Tai (Mountain-) cult, etc. of the Chinese. In this Confucianism Confucius is a god among gods.

Similarly in Buddhism also we have to recognize two fundamentally different sets of phenomena. There are two Buddhisms essentially distinct from each other. The first is the religion or system of moral discipline founded by Shâkya (B. C. 563-483), the son of the president or archon (râjan) of the Sakiya republic in Eastern India, who came to be called the Buddha or the Enlightened (the Awakened). Shâkya founded an order (samgha) of monks, and adumbrated the philosophy of twelve nidânas (links between ignorance and birth) and the ethics of the eightfold path. In this Buddhism, which should really be called Shâkyaism, Buddha is of course neither a god nor a prophet of God, but only a preacher among the preachers of his time. The system is generally known as Hinayâna (or the Lower Vehicle of Buddhism). Its prominent tenet is nirvâna or the cessation of misery (annihilation of pain).

But there is another faith in which Buddha is a or rather the god. This Buddha-cult, or Buddhism strictly so called, cannot by any means be fathered upon Shâkya, the moralist. It chanced to evolve out of the schisms among his followers. Buddha-worship was formulated by Ashwaghosha and came into existence as a distinct creed about the first century A. C. in northwestern India during the reign of Kanishka the Indo-Tartar Emperor. This faith, also called Mahâyâna (The Greater Vehicle), was theologically much allied to and did not really differ in ritual and mythology from, the contemporary Jaina and Puranic-Hindu isms of India. It is this Buddhism with its gods and goddesses that was introduced from Central Asia into China in A. C. 67, from China into Korea in A. C. 372, and from Korea into Japan in A. C. 552.

The contrast between Shâkya the preacher and Buddha the god, or Confucius the moralist and Confucius the god has its parallel in Christology also. Modern criticism expresses this contrast, says Bacon in the Making of the New Testament, in its distinction of the gospel of Jesus from the gospel about Jesus. The distinction between Shâkyaism and Buddhism, or between Confucianism as the system of tenets in the body of literature compiled by Confucius and Confucianism in which Confucius figures as a Divinity, as a colleague of Shangti is the same in essence as that between the teachings of Jesus the Jew and the teachings; say, of St. Paul about Jesus the Christ who is god in man.

4. The Doctrine of Avatâra.
(Deification of Man.)

The incarnation-myths of the Râmâyana and similar legends of the Jâtakas (Birth Stories) must have developed as early as the epoch of Maurya imperialism (B. C. 322-185). While the poets of the Râma-legend sang,—"For Vishnu's self disdained not mortal birth, And heaven came with him as he came to earth", and Krishna proclaimed in the Gîtâ section of the Mahâbhârata—"Forsake all dharmas (ways, Taos, creeds), make Me alone thy way", the sculptors of India were carving bas-reliefs in order to represent scenes in the life of Shakya deified as the Buddha. The post-Asokan but pre-Christian sculptures at Bharhut (second century B. C.) leave no doubt as to the prevalence of a faith in Buddha whose birth was believed to be super-natural and whose career was to anticipate ideologically the holy ministrations of the Syrian Messiah. Besides, the mind of India had become used to such emphatic announcements as the following:

"I am the Father, and the Fostering Nurse,
Grandsire, and Mother of the Universe,
I am the Vedas, and the Mystic word,
The way, support, the witness and the Lord.
The Seed am I of deathless quickening power
The Home of all, the mighty Refuge-tower."

Buddha-cult was thus born and nurtured in a perfectly congenial atmosphere.

The Pauline doctrine of Jesus as an avatâra i.e. God incarnated in man was also quite in keeping with the spiritual milieu of the age, rife as it was with the notions of Redeemer-gods. Here an Usiris, there a Mithra was commanding the devotion of the civilized world as a god who was resurrected after death to save mankind. Parallel to the development in Iran which transformed Zarathustra from the man-prophet-singer of the Gâthâs into a super-natural and semi-divine figure there was in Israel the continuous and progressive re-interpretation of traditional beliefs and symbols, as Canon Charles points out in the Religious Development Between the Old and New Testaments. From the third century B. C. on, as a consequence, whole histories centred round such conceptions as soul, spirit, sheol, Paradise, Messianic Kingdom, the Messiah, the Resurrection. The idea of the Redeemer was taking definite shape, for instance, in the following verses of the Psalms of Solomon composed about the first century B. Cc:

"Behold, O Lord, and raise up unto them
Their King, the son of David,
At the time in which thou seest, O God,
That he may reign over Israel Thy servant,
And gird him with strength that he may
Shatter unrighteous rulers
And that he may purge Jerusalem from
Nations that trample her down to destruction."

In India the rhapsodists of the Vâlmîkian cycle were singing of the advent of the Messiah as Râma, and the Shâkyan monks elaborating the Buddhist stories of incarnation (Jâtaka) in the self-same strain. Nor was China to be left without an avatâra or a deified personality. In the fourth century B. C. Mencius, the St. Paul of Confucianism, calls his great Master Chi Ta-cheng or the embodiment of highest perfection. Three hundred years after his death Confucius was made Duke and Earl, Sze Ma-chien, the Chinese Herodotus (first century B. C.), describes him as the "divinest of men". But by the end of the first century A. C. the birthplace of Confucius had become a goal for the pilgrim and even emperors wended their way to pay respects to his shrine. In A. C. 178, says Giles in Confucianism and its Rivals, a likeness of Confucius had been placed in his shrine as a substitute for the wooden tablet in use up to that date. In 267 an Imperial decree ordered the sacrifice of a pig, sheep and an ox to Confucius at each of the four seasons. The first complete Confucian temple was built and dedicated in 505. About 555 it was enacted that a Confucian temple should be built in every prefectural city, for the people had come to "look upon Confucius as a god to be propitiated for the sake of worldly advantages".

This heroification and deification of Confucius was not an isolated phenomenon in the Chinese world, for China was also simultaneously transforming Lao-tsze, his senior contemporary, into a Divinity. The Taoist writers had begun to describe their great prophet as an incarnation of some superior being who came among men in human shape in every age. They told also the various names under which he appeared from the highest period of fabulous antiquity down as late as the sixth century, making in all seven periods.

Indeed, the spiritual experience of the entire human race was passing through almost the same climacteric. Zoroastrianism was evolving Mithraism, Chinese classics were evolving the worship of Confucius and Laotsze, Hinduism was evolving Buddha-cult, Krishna-cult, Râma-cult etc., and Judaism was in the birth-throes of Christ-cult.

5. Rapprochement in Religious Psychology.

How much of this common element in Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity was the joint product of the same socio-religious antecedents? How much again is autochthonous to China, India and Asia Minor, i.e. absolutely independent of each other's impact? The question of the indebtedness of one race to another in metaphysics and religion cannot be solved satisfactorily for want of positive evidence. But the historic background was unified and internationalized enough to admit of an extraordinary fusion of cultures. One theatre of such cultural intermixture was Central Asia. Here during the early centuries of the Christian era police notices were written in Chinese, letters inscribed in a form of Sanskrit. But the string with which the wooden tablets were tied was sealed mostly with Greek seals bearing the image of Athena or Heracles. Here, then, as Laurence Binyon remarks in Painting in the Far East, we touch three great civilizations at once: India, Greece, China.

This race-fusion or cultural inter-marriage must have been in full swing while the incarnation-myths of the Hindus, Jews and Chinese were in the period of gestation i.e. during the first three centuries of the pre-Christian era. For, conscious and deliberate internationalism was the distinctively original contribution of Alexander to Eur-Asia. The whole epoch beginning with his accession to the Greek throne may be presumed to have been one in which race-boundaries were being obliterated, cultural angularities rounded off, intellectual horizons enlarged and the sense of universal humanity generated. It was a time when the Aristotelians, Platonists, Cynics and Stoics were likely to meet the Apocalypticists, Zoroastrians, Confucianists, Taoists, Nirvanists, and Yogaists on a common platform, when the grammarians and logicians of Alexandria were probably comparing notes with the Hindu Pāninians and Darshanists, when the Charakan Ayurvedists (medical men) of India could hold debates with the herbalists of Asia Minor, when, in one word, culture was tending to be developed not from national angles but from one international viewpoint and placed as far as possible on a cosmopolitan basis.

The courses of instruction offered at the great universities of the world, e.g. those at Honanfu, Taxila, Pâtaliputra, the Alexandrias and Athens, naturally comprehended the whole encyclopaedia of arts and sciences known to both Asia and Europe. The literati, bhikshus, magi and sanyâsins of the East could not fail to meet the mystics, sophists, gnostics and peripatetics of the West at out-of-the-way inns or caravanserais or at the recognized academies and seats of learning. What we now describe as Universal-Races-Congresses and International Conferences of scientists may then have been matters of course; and everybody who was anybody—Hindu, Persian, Chinese, Jew, Egyptian, Greek — was necessarily a student of Weltliteratur and a citizen of the world. The social systems of the different races that were thrown into that whirl-pool were profoundly influenced by this intellectual expansion. Inter-racial marriages may be believed to have been things of common occurrence, and everywhere there was a rapprochement in ideals of life and thought. Mankind was fast approaching a common consciousness, a common conscience and a common standard of civilization.

One of the forms in which this uniform psychological development of the different races was manifesting itself consisted in the elaboration of "Great Exemplars," Avatâras or "Supermen". The types of ethical and spiritual "perfection", or highest ideals and norms in human personality, that had been slowly acquiring prominence in India, in the Hellenistic world, and in China during the preceding centuries at last began to crystallize themselves out of the solution of race-experience and emerge as distinctly individualized entities. The world-forces or nature-powers of the antique world, viz. Mother Earth and the elemental energies, furnished no doubt the basic foundations and the nuclei for these types or patterns. Folk-imagination in brooding over the past and reconstructing ancient traditions had sanctified certain historic personalities,4 legendary heroes or eponymous culture-pioneers, and endowed their names with a halo of romance. Philosophical speculation had been groping in the dark as to the mysteries of the universe and had stumbled upon the One, the Unknown, the Eternal, the Absolute, the Infinite, the Ideal. Last, but not least, are the contributions of the "lover, the lunatic and the poet", — the Mark, the Matthews, the Mencius, the Vâlmiki, the Ashwaghosha—who came to wield together all these elements into artistic shapes, "fashioning forth" those sons of God,-concrete human personalities to embody at once the man-in-God and the God-in-man.

6. The Ethical postulates of China, India, and Christendom.

The ethical conceptions or moral codes of a race are bound up so inextricably with its economic and social institutions that for all practical purposes they may be regarded as almost independent of its strictly religious thought, its theological doctrines, and the hypotheses of its prophets or thinkers regarding the nature of Godhead, the soul, and the relation between man and the Creator. While, therefore, the "whole duty of man" is sure to differ with race and race, nay, with class and class, and also with epoch and epoch in each race and in each class, it is still remarkable that the most fundamental categories of moral life all the world over. have been the same. The ethical systems of historic Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity are broad-based on almost identical notions of the Good and the Right.

But here it is necessary to make a few special remarks about Confucianism. In the first place, suggestive sex-ideas associated with such concepts as "immaculate conception" in Christlore, or "energy" (Shakti, the female "principle") in Buddhist mythology have absolutely no place either in the Classics compiled by Confucius the man or in the religion in which Confucius is a god. From the standpoint of conventional morality, Confucianism is the most chaste and undefiled of the great world-religions.

In the second place, one must not argue from this that the Chinese mentality is what Confucianism presumes it to be, for China is not mere Confucius magnified, Every Chinese. is a Confucianist, and yet something more. Like the Japanese who is at once a believer in Shinto (the Way of the Gods), a polytheistic cult of nature powers, a Confucianist as well as a Buddhist, the men and women of China, almost each and all, are Taoists (followers of Laotsze's mystical cult of Tao or Way or Natural Order) and Buddhists at the same time that they offer sacrifices to Confucius and Shangti. When the head of the family dies, says Wu Ting-fang, the funeral services are conducted in a most cosmopolitan way, for the Taoist priest and the Buddhist monks as well as nuns are usually called in to recite prayers for the dead in addition to the performance of ceremonies in conformity with the Confucian rules of "propriety". The mores of Chinese life, eclectic as it is, cannot thus all be found in the teachings of the Classics alone.

One need not be surprised, therefore, to find in the Chinese Weltanschauung or view of life a place for the pessimism that one meets with in the announcements of Jesus. "He that loveth father or mother more than Me is not worthy of Me", said He. And further, "if any man cometh unto Me, and leaveth not his father and mother and wife and children, he cannot be My disciple." Here is the origin of the system that, backed by St. Paul's recommendation of celibacy for Christ's followers, ultimately developed into Christian monasticism and the ethics of retreat from the "world and the flesh." The self-same doctrine of holiness by means of asceticism and self-mortification has had a long tradition in pre-Confucian China as well as in China since the age of Laotsze and Confucius. Even in the earliest ages of Chinese history perfection, holiness, or divinity were held to be exclusively attainable by dispassion, apathy, will-lessness, unconcernedness about the pleasures and pains of life, quietism, or wu-wei. Emperor Hwang-ti of hoary antiquity is mentioned by Chwang-tsze (fourth century B. C.), the great follower of Lao-tsze, as having retired for three months in order to prepare himself for receiving the Tao from an ascetic who practised freedom from mental agitation.

Along with this pessimistic strand of Christianity Chinese moral consciousness can also display the mystical leanings of Jesus as manifest in such declarations as "The Kingdom of God is within, you", or "My Kingdom is not of this world." Thus, says Chwang-tsze: "Be free yourself from subjective ignorance and individual peculiarities, find the Tao in your own being, and you will be able to find it in others too, because the Tao cannot be one in one thing and another in another." And according to the Tao-teching, the Bible of Taoism, "mighty is he who conquers himself", and further, "if you keep behind, you shall be in front," or "he who is content has enough." These are the tenets of passivism and nonresistance that Jesus stood for when he advised his followers to "render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's."

We need not dwell here on the ascetic or pietistic ideals and institutions of Buddhism, as the Plotinuses, the St. Francises, the Jacopone da Todis, the Boehmes, the Ruysbroeks, and the Guyons of India are too well known. But we have rather to emphasize, on the other hand, the fact that transcendentalism, idealism or mysticism is not the only attitude or philosophy of ethical life advanced by or associated with the religious systems of the world. Not less is the ethics of positivism, i.e., of humanitarian energism (viriya) and social service or brotherhood (sarva-sattva-maitrî) a prominent feature in Buddhism, in Christianity and in the moral dicta of the Chinese sages like Confucius, Moh-ti, the preacher of universal love, and Mencius, the advocate of tyrannicide.

There is no doubt a great difference in the manner in which the categories have been stated in the three systems, especially as regards the intellectual analysis or psychological classification of the cardinal virtues and vices. But from the viewpoint of moral discipline, none but a hidebound linguist or a student of formal logic can fail to notice the pragmatic identity of life governed by the "eightfold path" of Shâkya, the "five duties" of Confucius and the "ten commandments" of the Bible. Nay, like the Mosaic dictates, the Confucian and Shâkyan principles are too elemental to have been missed by the prophets of any race.

The most important tenet in Confucius' moral creed is to be found in the idea of "reciprocity." It is thus worded in his Doctrine of the Mean: "What you do not wish others should do unto you, do not do unto them." In a negative form this is indeed the golden rule of Luke: "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise." In all treatments of fellow-beings Shâkya's injunction also is "to put oneself in the place of others" (attânam upamâm katvâ). We read in the Dhammapada:

"All men tremble at punishment, all men fear death; putting oneself in the place of others, kill not nor cause slaughter.

All men tremble at the rod, all men love life; being as one would be done by, kill not nor cause to kill."

Reciprocity is thus the common golden rule of the three world religions.

The formulation of this rule was the distinctive contribution of Confucius to Chinese life. His catechism of moral discipline points out, further, that the duties of universal obligation are five, and the moral qualities by which they are carried out are three. The duties are those between ruler and subject, between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder brother and younger, and those in the intercourse between friends. Intelligence, moral character and courage, these are the three universally recognized moral qualities of man. The performance of these duties is the sine qua non of "good manners" or propriety. In the Confucian system the tenet of reciprocity leads thus to the cult of "Propriety." In the Shâkyan discipline also we have the same propriety in the doctrine of sila (conduct). The path leading to the cessation of misery is described in the Digha Nikâya as consisting in right belief, right resolve, right speech, right behaviour, right occupation, right effort, right contemplation, and right concentration. It is obvious that some of the conditions stated here, especially those in regard to speech, behavior, and occupation, are other-regarding, i.e. have a social significance in the system of self-culture.

Lest the social energism of Shâkyan morals be ignored it is necessary to point out that appamâda (vigilance, strenuousness and activity) is the first article in the Buddhist monk's creed of life. Shâkya wanted his followers to be moral and intellectual gymnasts and "move about like fire". Such were the men who built the first hospitals of the world for men and animals, established rest-houses and planted trees for wayfarers, popularized the trial by jury and the methods of election, voting, and quorum in democratic assemblies, and founded universities, academies and other seats of learning in India, China, and Japan.

Notes

  1. Chiefly based on the author's Chinese Religion through Hindu Eyes (Shanghaî, 1916).↩
  2. Vide the present author's Hindu Art: Its Humanism and Modernism, (New York, 1920).↩
  3. Gomme: Ethnology and Folk-lore.↩
  4. W. Ridgeway: Origin of Tragedy, 1910, and Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in special reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy, 1915.↩

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