Disc 1 Side A (9 tracks / 31’)

Oro. Marcos Portillo Dominguez [Até Borá] and Ensemble.^[1]

The cult of the Orishas is deeply rooted in four of the island’s provinces: Havana, Pinar del Río, Matanzas, and Santa Clara.^[2] For years, it has also spread from these areas, becoming markedly more intense in the provinces of Camagüey and Santiago de Cuba. As we know, it essentially consists of offerings of feasts and fruits, and sacrifices of birds and animals. The ritual blood sacrifices by which priests and devotees gain the protection of the divinities are followed by traditional liturgical drumming toques are celebrated in their honor; songs initiated by a soloist, a gallo (rooster) or Akpuón who, with a chorus of priests and devotees, intone their praises; dances which mime their characteristic activities, occupations, and episodes (caminos, or paths) of their lives, since the orishas “were humans before they became orishas.”

For contemporary descendants and devotees, the Yoruba word Oro contains various meanings: aside from being the name of a god, it is the word for “word,” and a religious ceremony. “Hacer Oro” (making or doing Oro) consists of: playing only drums, instrumentally, and their complicated rhythms; or singing, unaccompanied, without drums, in secret rituals which are performed behind closed doors in the “cuarto de los santos” (the room or chamber of the orishas), in which only those who have been initiated may participate. For example, rituals for Osaín, or the preparation of the sacramental plants (ewe), or the “Asiento” initiation, or funerary rites of of the Itutu, etc. Oro also refers to drumming and singing simultaneously for the sixteen [primary] Orishas, each one addressed individually in order with the songs and drumming toques which are traditionally consecrated to them.

According to one babalorisa (priest), “Oro is saluting every Santo, playing and singing in their honor, to praise them, make them happy, and offer them every honor, without any of them feeling undervalued or jealous.”

The Oro inevitably begins with an indispensable salute to Elegua, or Eshu (Elegbara, Elegbá, Eleguára), who always receives the first offering and sacrifice.

God of the road and crossroads, guardian of doorways, “owner of the entrances and exits,” messenger of Olorun (the Supreme Being), “la confianza del babalawo,” and the decisive factor in destiny, which he influences according to his tastes or whims, despite being, as the priests and priestesses of the Lucumí repeat, “a small orisha, who is the biggest of them all.”

Dangerously inclined toward jokes and pranks, transgression, rebellion, cunning, or simply whatever mischief occurs to a spoiled child, Elegua sometimes presents a vindictive and fearsome appearance of outright malice. Therefore, it is necessary to keep him satisfied and well disposed.

Not only is he greeted before any other divinity, but it is also very important to bid him farewell, in order to avoid the ceremonies and celebrations being hindered by his mischief. The Oro opens with Elegua, “who opens and closes the roads in the heavens and on the earth.” That is, an Oro includes singing and playing in twice in his honor. The repertoire of these cantos de Elegua^[3] is endless, although we can also say the same about all of the other orishas.

Unidentified individuals. Near present-day Pedro Betancourt, Matanzas, Cuba, circa 1956. Photo by Josefina Tarafa.

MOYUBA

“Respect, honor for the elders, the ancestors, and the Orishas.” That is the name for the first prayer, or the song or songs asking for permission from the ancestors and gods to begin the toque.

The male Orisha are saluted (or played for) first. Then for the goddesses. If, as is customary, the toque is celebrated in honor of a specific divinity, its songs are intoned last.

Within this basic structure, the order of the Oro — the songs and toques — varies according to the customs of the Ilé Orisha in which they are performed. For example, one might play for Orishaoko (whose cult seems so neglected in the capital) before Inle, or for Inle before Osaín, or vice versa. Some cabildos hold themselves up as very orthodox in terms of the hierarchy of orishas and their respective toques, songs, and dances; for example, they will not play for Oshún before Yemayá, or playing in honor of Oba before Oyá. However, rigorous attention to details does not reach great extremes, since each Casa de Santo observes its own rules regarding its liturgy.

The Oro performed with three Batá drums begins, particularly in Havana, at two or three in the afternoon (the specific time is also not exact), and it should end by sundown, “the hour when the muertos come out to dance.”

During the Oro, only those who have been initiated are supposed to dance.^[4] Once each Orisha has been reverentially saluted — yubá — once, or as many as three or more times, for everyone, both members and outsiders of the Ilé, then the so-called “fiesta de Ocha” or Bembé begins.

The Batá — the three sacred drums which are traditionally Lucumí, that is Yoruba, and receive sacrificial offerings (in Havana, the rituals of the Oro) — are played by three drummers, the Olú batá, each of whom are seated and hold one of the drums horizontally position over their knees.^[5] These drums are substituted at night by the Bembé drums, cylindrical drums with one drumskin which are positioned vertically on the ground.^[6] The drummers play them seated, holding the drums between their legs, leaning them forward, and resting them between their knees.

We have only recorded a Batá drum Oro in Havana. Normally in Matanzas, and in the toques celebrated in the countryside and smaller towns, Oro is performed with Bembé drums, which belong to the aráoko — according to them, “los negros del monte” (rural Black people), campesinos (peasants, country people).

To prevent the ikú — los muertos (spirits of the dead) which will attend the toque all night without endangering the living — from possessing them, depriving them of their consciousness or reason, an offering is placed on the earth in front of the tambor-caja or mother drum (Iyá), also known as tambor del Medio (the Middle drum), because of its position between the smaller Golpeador (on the left) and Tumbador (on the right) drums. The offering consists of water, toasted corn, and smoked hutia, and, inside, a lit candle. Thanks to this offering, it is possible to play without risk during hours which the spirits of los muertos (the dead) and all manner of spirit — maleficent (ayé) or beneficent — “own the night.” (“The spirits come to dance as soon as they hear Bembé, but since they see their derecho” — tribute, offering — “they don’t bother anyone, because they’ve been honored.”)

The Batá, however, “are only played for the Santos, who are Royalty, and for iyawos” — that is, those newly wedded to the Orisha, those consecrated by the divinities. When Batá drums are played, the aberikula — uninitiated — are not allowed to dance.

In the capital, “fiestas” or bembés are usually celebrated in the living rooms or courtyards of homes, sometimes out of necessity in cramped spaces, unless a space is rented, as is customary, in ample colonial houses like those found in Guanabacoa, in Marianao, or old neighborhoods like El Cerro. In rural towns like Jovellanos, Cidra, Corral Falso, etc., the bembés are celebrated outdoors, among the trees and under the open sky.

The importance of these religious celebrations in the lives of our Black and mixed-race people is well known, and it does not need to be underscored. The earthly African gods passionately love dance and music, like their Black “omós” — children — who are so similar to them, and whose entire lives turn and express themselves rhythmically. The orishas “come down” at these “Lukumí fiestas,” the Batá followed by Bembé, which are celebrated continuously, and which are so necessary and beneficial for devotees, who benefit from and enjoy direct contact — human and familiar, one might say — with their divinities, which communicate their “aché,” and from whom they receive verbal warnings or advice.^[7] That is the objective of the bembé: to attract the gods, amuse them, and to be — physically and completely — with them.

The beating of the drums, the voices, the words of high praise, the ringing of bells (agogó) and the “acheré” or maracas, in the countryside, the slow and measured striking of guatacas (hoe blades) or bottles with metal beaters or spoons, with a toque and a “canto de raíz” (roots chant), provoke the divinities, preceding and determining the trance, their “fall,” with an obstinate and dizzying acceleration of the rhythm. At that instant, the Orisha takes possession of an omó, priest or devotee, or whoever they like.” “The Santo mounts.” It is said, as is well known, that the man or woman in a state of trance is “montado” or “subido” (mounted), a “horse” of the god who has invaded them and displaced their Ego.^[8]

Ogún. He is the “Owner of Iron and Metal.” God of war. He is a sullen, jungle-dwelling divinity, although he is also “the father of civilization.”

Ochosi. God of the hunt, “Owner of the arrow” and wild animals. Like Ogún, he is a warrior divinity who tends to often roam the wilderness (los montes). Ogún leads the way with his machete (cutlass), chopping down the brush as he goes, and Ochosi keeps killing animals for him with his arrow.

Orishaoko. (The Apwon Emiliano de Armas sings.) The god of the earth, agricultural labor, and the harvest. Owner of root vegetables. He is adored more in the provinces than in Havana, “because of the importance of the earth which provides our sustenance.”

Inle. A river god. Hermaphroditic. Their attribute is a fish, which they use to perform cures and miracles. Lives in rivers, and grants children to sterile women.

Osaín. The god who owns herbs and their curative virtues. A doctor and diviner. One of the most important orishas in the Lucumí pantheon, “because he is the Owner of the Forest” and all plants.

Dadá. (The Apwon Emiliano de Armas sings.) Older brother of Changó. Hermaphoditic. “The older Changó, and the wealthiest, who distributed money among all the orishas.”

Disc 1 Side B (7 tracks, 31’)

Babaluayé. The fearsome Orisha of leprosy and syphilis. “The Owner of Diseases.”^[9]

Agayú. Powerful god of the savannah and the river. According to some, father of Changó. According to others, his elder brother.^[10]

Changó. The most popular Orisha in the Lucumí pantheon imported to Cuba during the slave trade, with the most “children” among the Cuban people. He is the god of thunder, fire, war, drumming, and dancing. King of Oyó, he has an infinite number of names and stories.

Ibeyi. The divine twins.

Obatalá. Creator of the human race. He also has a great many names: Obalufón, Osagriña, Obámoró, Ayáguna, Odúa, who is the oldest of them all. Sixteen in total, including “female Obatalás,” Yemu, Oduaremo.

Oba. Legitimate wife of Changó. The “primary” among his three women. In her zeal to keep Changó with her, she cut one of her ears and served it to him in kalalú — okra stew. The god did not eat it: confirming that Oba was missing an ear, because the goddess had covered her head with a white cloth, Changó separated from her. Nonetheless, she is considered and respected as “his legitimate spouse.” Oba does not “come down” or “mount,” meaning that she does not possess mortals.

Oya. Goddess of the storm and owner of lightning. She is inseparable from Changó, a faithful lover of this Orisha, who she accompanies in all of his wars. She disappeared by sinking into the earth. She is the owner of cemeteries. “Reina de los muertos. (Queen of the dead.)” She bids farewell at all funerary ceremonies. She is also called Yansá.

Disc 2 Side A (4 tracks, 17’25”)

Yemayá. Goddess of the sea. “The owner of Water.” According to one tradition, she is the mother of Changó and elder sister of Oshún. She was a wife of Orula or Ifá, the god of divination, who condemned her before Olofi because he did not want a wife as wise as him, since, during his absence, Yemayá helped herself to his divination board — até — and the people would go to consult with her. Olofi then married her to Ogún, god of metal. According to the account told by some elders, it was Yemaya who left Orula, having surprised him en amores with the god Ogun to whom he wanted to give his até, but Yemaya stopped him by threatening to shame him before the other orishas. In other versions, Yemayá surprises him in a well with Oshún, the goddess of love.

Yemayá, Changó, and Oshún are the orishas with the most devotees on the island.^[11]

Oshún. (The Apwon Emiliano de Armas sings.) The goddess of rivers, happiness, love, and wealth. Like Yemayá, she has various names. But she owes her wealth to Yemayá. In some avatars, Oshún appears to be closely related to the ikús (los muertos, the dead), and she is a sorceress (Oshún kolé-kolé). 

Nana. A great Orisha, “mother of the Ayanu” — Catholicized as San Lázaro (Saint Lazarus) — who, in the form a majá^[12] — inioka — lives among bamboo^[13] and in rivers.^[14] (Nanábulukú). She is adored by the Lukumí and the Arará. One of the most fearsome and venerated Orisha.  

Eleguá. This Oro closes with a song for Eleguá.  

Disc 2 Side B (6 tracks, 21’45”)

Rezos Cantados. Marcos Portillo Dominguez [aka Até Borá] and Ensemble.

Ogun.^[15]

Babaluayé.

Changó.

Oyá.

Yemayá.

Oshún.

These rezos cantados (sung or chanted prayers) to Ogún, Babaluayé, Changó, Oyá, Yemayá, and Oshún are accompanied by a large agüe or güiro which is used como marcador (to outline the rhythm). Three güiros in an ensemble are given the names “salidor”, “segundo” or “golpeador,” and “caja” or “Mayor” (elder) (or Iyá, mother). They sometimes substitute the Batá. In Havana, toques for Babalú Ayé are occasionally performed by a trio of agüe (ágbé).^[16]

The songs in the Oro performed by the olorin Marcos Portillo Dominguez, Até Borá, come from the Africans at the defunct Mariategui mill in Corral Falso. He learned them from Oyó elders at that mill: Tá Bruno, Tá Cecilio, and the Iyalochas or priestesses Aduyá, Fatúma, Akibila, and Mañe Alagayú, whose memories are venerated in that region. ^[17]

1. DF-N: The first two of the fourteen discs of the Música de los cultos collection (Discs 1A, 1B, 2A, and 2C) are dedicated to the Oro sequence featuring Marcos Portillo Domínguez (aka Até Borá). ↑

2. DF-N: Cuba’s provinces have been redrawn since Cabrera wrote these notes in the 1950s. Geographically, individual provinces are now smaller and more numerous, and the area Cabrera mentions first (“Havana, Pinar del Río, Matanzas, and Santa Clara”) includes portions of present-day Pinar del Río, La Habana, Ciudad de La Habana, Matanzas, Villa Clara, Cienfuegos, Sancti Spiritus, and Ciego de Avila — in other words, the entire central and western portion of the island. Likewise, the provincial borders of Camagüey and Santiago de Cuba in the 1950s now include all of the nation’s western provinces (Camagüey, La Tunas, Holguín, Bayamo, Santiago de Cuba, and Guantánamo). In the early 21st century, orisha devotion has become prominent in virtually every community in Cuba, and it is arguably the island’s most acceptable form of non-governmental ritual devotion —or, perhaps, merely its least suspect one. ↑

3. DF-N: In context, the term cantos de Elegua expresses a multivalent relationship between the liturgical subject and object: the cantos (chants or songs) a) “belong to” Elegua, and /or b) the cantos are “sung for” him (or to him, in his honor), etc. ↑

4. DF-N: Cabrera’s idiomatic original reads: sólo deben bailar quienes tienen “hecho Santo.” ↑

5. DF-N: [bibliography and commentary re extensive body of scholarship on batá drumming.] ↑

6. DF-N: [bibliography and commentary on a much less extensive body of scholarship on bembé.] ↑

7. DF-N: The interpretation of the behavior of orisha “mounts” as divine acts of prophecy can be both a radical intervention into the social status quo and a consummately conservative socio-political phenomenon. cf. Bourguignon 2022, 1950-1993, and 1976; Akiwowo and Font-Navarrete 2015; Font-Navarrete 2022; Rosenthal 1998; et al. ↑

8. DF-N: cf. Hurston (1938). ↑

9. DF-N: [...] ↑

10. DF-N: The drumming on this track demonstrates a direct, seldom-discussed relationship between Afro-Cuban Bembé and Batá drumming repertoires. The drumming is likely performed by Domingo Hernández and company. However, Cabrera’s notes do not identify specific individuals and their instruments in the ensemble. ↑

11. DF-N: Here, Cabrera takes stock of the relatively popularity of various orisha in Cuba in the early- to mid-20th century. Implicitly, she conveys the notion that the relative prominence of specific orisha cults suggest corresponding “retentions” of local, quasi-ethnic, pre-slavery African identities. Additionally, each of the three orisha Cabrera mentions might also be considered in terms of their expression of particular archetypal, thematic, or aesthetic qualities that resonate especially well in Cuba and — more recently, and much further afield — the broader concept of the Afro-Atlantic. ↑

12. DF-N: majá (Spanish), inioka (Cuban Congo): Cuban boa, Chilabothrus angulifer. ↑

13. DF-N: cañabravas (Spanish): common bamboo, Bambusa vulgaris. ↑

14. DF-N: From Lydia Cabrera’s Preface to El Monte:

    It takes time to understand their euphemisms and their superstitions about language. Indeed, some things should never be spoken clearly, yet it is essential to learn how to understand them. In other words, we must learn to think like these elders. We must submit to their whims, bad habits, and moods, adapting ourselves to their schedules and frustrating delays. We must pay dues, employ cleverness sometimes, and wait without any rush. They do not understand the hurrying that undermines modern life and sickens the spirit of white people: oppressive rushing, pressure, and anxiety. “Hurrying only makes you tired.” And so, the researcher must assimilate their calm slowness and its great philosophical virtue: acceptance. “For everything in life, we need acceptance.” And if we want to know, for example, why the goddess Naná “wants” a bamboo knife, not a metal knife? We must accept that they will respond with a story about how the worm made it rain and the spider burned all the hair on its chest. Two or three months later, or perhaps a year later, if we repeat the same question point-blank, we will be told, “Because of what happened to her with the Iron.” With a few fragments of the story, we will be told the rest later. These Black elders exasperate our own bad habits as blancos — our mental tendencies, our need for precision, and, most of all, our impatience (“the deer and the turtle can never walk together”) — which, in the long run, fail to reward us. (Cabrera 2023)

    ↑

15. DF-N: On the rezos recordings (Disc 3A), we can hear Até Borá’s voice at extremes, wavering — from divine inspiration, emotion, and/or fatigue at the furthest reaches of volume, vibrato and timbre. The sound suggests he is near the ends of his physical limits, and it is easy to imagine these vocal qualities — endurance and fragility, in equal portion — as the inevitable consequence of singing in long rituals, some of which reputedly lasted several days. In La laguna sagrada de San Joaquín (Cabrera 1973), Josefina Tarafa’s photographs provide documentary evidence of Até Borá officiating overnight rituals that extended from one day to another, concluding — formally, at least — with nangareo, a ritual associated with the cult of Ifá and, implicitly, Islamic tradition. (Likewise, Pierre Fatumbi Verger took a complementary took a different, complementary set of photographs of the same event.) Hearing the various interludes on Disc 3A in order — from Ogún to Oshún — also suggests a sequence (arguably a progression) of recording, instrumental, vocal techniques. cf. Font-Navarrete (2023). [...] ↑

16. DF-N: [...] ↑

17. DF-N: [...] ↑