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Woman and Socialism: 3.—Poverty and Fecundity.

Woman and Socialism
3.—Poverty and Fecundity.
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Notes

table of contents
  1. WOMAN AND SOCIALISM
  2. Contents
  3. Introduction.
  4. Woman in the Past.
    1. CHAPTER I. The Position of Woman in Primeval Society.
      1. 1.—Chief Epochs of Primeval History.
      2. 2.—Family Forms.
      3. 3.—The Matriarchate.
    2. CHAPTER II. Conflict between Matriarchate and Patriarchate.
      1. 1.—Rise of the Patriarchate.
      2. 2.—Traces of the Matriarchate in Greek Myths and Dramas.
      3. 3.—Legitimate Wives and Courtesans in Athens.
      4. 4.—Remnants of the Matriarchate in the Customs of Various Nations.
      5. 5.—Rise of the State.—Dissolution of the Gens in Rome.
    3. CHAPTER III. Christianity.
    4. CHAPTER IV. Woman in the Mediaeval Age.
      1. 1.—The Position of Women among the Germans.
      2. 2.—Feudalism and the Right of the First Night.
      3. 3.—The Rise of Cities.—Monastic Affairs.—Prostitution.
      4. 4.—Knighthood and the Veneration of Women.
    5. CHAPTER V. The Reformation.
      1. 1.—Luther.
      2. 2.—Results of the Reformation.—The Thirty Years’ War.
    6. CHAPTER VI. The Eighteenth Century.
      1. 1.—Court Life in Germany.
      2. 2.—Commercialism and the New Marriage Laws.
      3. 3.—The French Revolution and the Rise of Industry.
  5. Woman at the Present Day.
    1. CHAPTER VII. Woman as a Sex Being.
      1. 1.—The Sexual Impulse.
      2. 2.—Celibacy and the Frequency of Suicide.
    2. CHAPTER VIII. Modern Marriage.
      1. 1.—Marriage as a Profession.
      2. 2.—Decline of the Birthrate.
      3. 3.—Mercenary Marriage and the Matrimonial Market.
    3. CHAPTER IX. Disruption of the Family.
      1. 1.—Increase of Divorce.
      2. 2.—Bourgeois and Proletarian Marriage.
    4. CHAPTER X. Marriage as a Means of Support.
      1. 1.—Decline of the Marriage Rate.
      2. 2.—Infanticide and Abortion.
      3. 3.—Education for Marriage.
      4. 4.—The Misery of Present Day Marriages.
    5. CHAPTER XI. The Chances of Matrimony.
      1. 1.—The Numerical Proportion of the Sexes.
      2. 2.—Obstacles to Marriage.—The Excess of Women.
    6. CHAPTER XII. Prostitution a Necessary Social Institution of Bourgeois Society.
      1. 1.—Prostitution and Society.
      2. 2.—Prostitution and the State.
      3. 3.—The White Slave Trade.
      4. 4.—The Increase of Prostitution.—Illegitimate Motherhood.
      5. 5.—Crimes Against Morality and Sexual Diseases.
    7. CHAPTER XIII. Woman in Industry.
      1. 1.—Development and Extension of Female Labor.
      2. 2.—Factory Work of Married Women.—Sweatshop Labor and Dangerous Occupations.
    8. CHAPTER XIV. The Struggle of Women for Education.
      1. 1.—The Revolution in Domestic Life.
      2. 2.—The Intellectual Abilities of Women.
      3. 3.—Differences in Physical and Mental Qualities of Man and Woman.
      4. 4.—Darwinism and the Condition of Society.
      5. 5.—Woman and the Learned Professions.
    9. CHAPTER XV. The Legal Status of Women.
      1. 1.—The Struggle for Equality Before the Law.
      2. 2.—The Struggle for Political Equality.
  6. The State and Society.
    1. CHAPTER XVI. The Class-State and the Modern Proletariat.
      1. 1.—Our Public Life.
      2. 2.—Aggravation of Social Extremes.
    2. CHAPTER XVII. The Process of Concentration in Capitalistic Industry.
      1. 1.—The Displacement of Agriculture by Industry.
      2. 2.—Increasing Pauperization.—Preponderance of Large Industrial Establishments.
      3. 3.—Concentration of Wealth.
    3. CHAPTER XVIII. Crisis and Competition.
      1. 1.—Causes and Effects of the Crises.
      2. 2.—Intermediate Trade and the Increased Cost of Living.
    4. CHAPTER XIX. The Revolution in Agriculture.
      1. 1.—Transatlantic Competition and Desertion of the Country.
      2. 2.—Peasants and Great Landowners.
      3. 3.—The Contrast Between City and Country.
  7. The Socialization of Society.
    1. CHAPTER XX. The Social Revolution.
      1. 1.—The Transformation of Society.
      2. 2.—Expropriation of the Expropriators.
    2. CHAPTER XXI. Fundamental Laws of Socialistic Society.
      1. 1.—Duty to Work of All Able-bodied Persons.
      2. 2.—Harmony of Interests.
      3. 3.—Organization of Labor.
      4. 4.—The Growth of the Productivity of Labor.
      5. 5.—Removal of the Contrast between Mental and Manual Work.
      6. 6.—Increase of Consumption.
      7. 7.—Equal Duty to Work for All.
      8. 8.—Abolition of Trade.—Transformation of Traffic.
    3. CHAPTER XXII. Socialism and Agriculture.
      1. 1.—Abolition of the Private Ownership of Land.
      2. 2.—The Amelioration of Land.
      3. 3.—Changed Methods of Farming.
      4. 4.—Agriculture on a Large and Small Scale.—Electric Appliances.
      5. 5.—Vine-Culture of the Future.
      6. 6.—Measures to Prevent Exhaustion of the Soil.
      7. 7.—Removal of the Contrast between City and Country.
    4. CHAPTER XXIII. Abolition of the State.
    5. CHAPTER XXIV. The Future of Religion.
    6. CHAPTER XXV. The Socialist System of Education.
    7. CHAPTER XXVI. Literature and Art in Socialistic Society.
    8. CHAPTER XXVII. Free Development of Individuality.
      1. 1.—Freedom from Care.
      2. 2.—Changes in the Methods of Nutrition.
      3. 3.—The Communistic Kitchen.
      4. 4.—Transformation of Domestic Life.
    9. CHAPTER XXVIII. Woman in the Future.
    10. CHAPTER XXIX. Internationality.
    11. CHAPTER XXX. The Question of Population and Socialism.
      1. 1.—Fear of Over-Population.
      2. 2.—Production of Over-Population.
      3. 3.—Poverty and Fecundity.
      4. 4.—Lack of Human Beings and Abundance of Food.
      5. 5.—Social Conditions and Reproductive Ability.
  8. Conclusion.
  9. THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

3.—Poverty and Fecundity.

No matter from what side we view the capitalistic system of production, we arrive at the conclusion that the poverty and misery of the masses is not due to a lack of food, but to an unequal distribution of same, and to wrong methods, that create an abundance for some and compel others to live in want. The assertions of Malthus have sense only from the standpoint of capitalistic production. On the other hand, the capitalistic method of production urges the production of children. Cheap “hands,” in the shape of children, are needed for its factories and work-shops. Among proletarians the procreation of children becomes a sort of calculation, as they earn their own living. The proletarian employed in domestic industry is even obliged to have many children, for they help him to be able to compete. This is assuredly an abominable system; it increases the pauperization of the workingman and his dependence upon the employer. The proletarian is compelled to work for lower and lower wages, and every labor law destined to protect workingmen, that does not include the persons engaged in domestic industry, only causes the employer to widen the circle of those so employed, for wherever this form of production is possible, it offers particular advantages to the capitalist.

But the capitalistic system does not lead only to an over-production of goods and of workers, but also to an over-production of intellect. Intellectuals, too, find it increasingly difficult to obtain employment, as the supply constantly surpasses the demand. There is only one thing in this capitalistic world that is never superfluous, and that is capital and its owner, the capitalist.

If the bourgeois economists are followers of Malthus, they are what they must be in accordance with their bourgeois interests. Only they should refrain from transferring their bourgeois prejudices to Socialistic society. John Stuart Mill says: “Communism is that very state of affairs of which one may expect, that it will vehemently oppose this sort of selfish immoderation. Every increase of the population that would diminish the comfortable status of the population or increase its toils, would cause direct and unmistakable inconvenience to each individual member of the association, and this inconvenience could no longer be ascribed to the rapacity of the employers or the unfair privileges of the rich. Under such circumstances, public opinion could not fail to make known its disproval, and if this would not suffice, punishments of one kind or another would be resorted to, in order to suppress this and similar immoderations. The danger of over-population, then, is not advanced by the communistic theory; this theory, on the contrary, tends to counteract this danger in a marked degree.” Professor Adolf Wagner says, in Rau’s “Text-book of Political Economy:” “Least of all could a Socialistic community grant absolute freedom of marriage or freedom in the procreation of children.” The authors both proceed from the opinion that the tendency toward over-population is common to all social systems, but they both grant that Socialism will be better able to maintain an equilibrium between population and nourishment than any other form of society. The latter is true, but the former is not.

There were, indeed, some Socialists who were infected by the ideas of Malthus, and feared that over-population was “an imminent danger.” But these Socialistic Malthusians have disappeared. A better understanding of the nature of bourgeois society has changed their opinion on this subject. The complaints of our agrarians also teach us that we have too much food—viewed from the standpoint of the world market—and that the resulting lowering of prices make the production of food unprofitable.

Our Malthusians imagine,—and the chorus of bourgeois leaders thoughtlessly echo their fears,—that a Socialistic society upholding freedom of choice in love and maintaining an existence worthy of human beings for all its members, would foster rabbit-like propensities. They imagine that people, under such conditions, would indulge in an unbridled satisfaction of their lusts and in unlimited procreation of children. Rather the contrary is likely to be true. So far not the well-to-do classes have had the greatest number of children, but, on the contrary, the poorest classes. Indeed, we may say without exaggeration: the poorer the position of a proletarian stratum is, the more numerous is its blessing of children; occasional exceptions are, of course, conceded. This opinion is confirmed by Virchow, who wrote, in the middle of the last century; “as the English laborer in his deepest degradation, in the utmost emptiness of mind, knows only two sources of enjoyment, intoxication and cohabitation, so the population of Upper Silesia, until recent years, had concentrated all its desires and endeavors upon these two things. The enjoyment of liquor and the satisfaction of the sexual impulse had become the supreme factors of its existence, and so it can be easily explained that the population increased as rapidly in numbers, as it deteriorated physically and morally.”

Karl Marx expresses himself similarly in “Capital.” He says: “Not only the number of births and deaths, but the absolute size of the families also is in reverse ratio to the height of the wages, that is, to the means of subsistence at the disposal of the various categories of laborers. This law of capitalistic society would sound absurd among savages or even among civilized colonists. It reminds one of the enormous reproduction of species of animals that are individually weak and much hunted.” Marx furthermore quotes Laing, who says: “If the whole world lived in comfortable circumstances, the world would soon be depopulated.” So Laing holds the opposite view from Malthus. He maintains that an improved standard of living does not increase the number of births, but diminishes them. Herbert Spencer expresses a similar opinion thus: “always and everywhere perfection of the species and its procreative ability are opposed to one another. From this follows that the further development of man will probably lead to a decrease in procreation.” We see, then, that men, maintaining different standpoints on other subjects, are fully agreed on this one, and we fully concur with their conception.

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