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The Principles of Sociology, vol. 1 (1898): Part II: The Inductions of Sociology.

The Principles of Sociology, vol. 1 (1898)
Part II: The Inductions of Sociology.
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table of contents
  1. Front Matter
    1. Table of Contents: Vol. I
    2. Preface to the Third Edition.
    3. Preface to Vol. I.
  2. Part I: The Data of Sociology.
    1. Chapter I: Super-Organic Evolution.
    2. Chapter II: The Factors of Social Phenomena.
    3. Chapter III: Original External Factors.
    4. Chapter IV: Original Internal Factors.
    5. Chapter V: The Primitive Man—physical.
    6. Chapter VI: The Primitive Man—emotional.
    7. Chapter VII: The Primitive Man—intellectual.
    8. Chapter VIII: Primitive Ideas.
    9. Chapter IX: The Ideas of the Animate and the Inanimate.
    10. Chapter X: The Ideas of Sleep and Dreams.
    11. Chapter XI: The Ideas of Swoon, Apoplexy, Catalepsy, Ecstasy, and Other Forms of Insensibility.
    12. Chapter XII: The Ideas of Death and Resurrection.
    13. Chapter XIII: The Ideas of Souls, Ghosts, Spirits, Demons, Etc.
    14. Chapter XIV: The Ideas of Another Life.
    15. Chapter XV: The Ideas of Another World.
    16. Chapter XVI: The Ideas of Supernatural Agents.
    17. Chapter XVII: Supernatural Agents as Causing Epilepsy and Convulsive Actions, Delirium and Insanity, Disease and Death.
    18. Chapter XVIII: Inspiration, Divination, Exorcism, and Sorcery.
    19. Chapter XIX: Sacred Places, Temples, and Altars; Sacrifice, Fasting, and Propitiation; Praise, Prayer, Etc.
    20. Chapter XX: Ancestor-Worship in General.
    21. Chapter XXI: Idol-Worship and Fetich-Worship.
    22. Chapter XXII: Animal-Worship.
    23. Chapter XXIII: Plant-Worship.
    24. Chapter XXIV: Nature-Worship.
    25. Chapter XXV: Deities.
    26. Chapter XXVI: The Primitive Theory of Things.
    27. Chapter XXVII: The Scope of Sociology.
  3. Part II: The Inductions of Sociology.
    1. Chapter I: What Is a Society?
    2. Chapter II: A Society Is an Organism.
    3. Chapter III: Social Growth.
    4. Chapter IV: Social Structures.
    5. Chapter V: Social Functions.
    6. Chapter VI: Systems of Organs.
    7. Chapter VII: The Sustaining System.
    8. Chapter VIII: The Distributing System.
    9. Chapter IX: The Regulating System.
    10. Chapter X: Social Types and Constitutions.
    11. Chapter XI: Social Metamorphoses.
    12. Chapter XII: Qualifications and Summary.
    13. Postscript to Part II.
  4. Part III: Domestic Institutions.
    1. Chapter I: The Maintenance of Species.
    2. Chapter II: The Diverse Interests of the Species, of the Parents, and of the Offspring.
    3. Chapter III: Primitive Relations of the Sexes.
    4. Chapter IV: Exogamy and Endogamy.
    5. Chapter V: Promiscuity.
    6. Chapter VI: Polyandry.
    7. Chapter VII: Polygyny.
    8. Chapter VIII: Monogamy.
    9. Chapter IX: The Family.
    10. Chapter X: The Status of Women.
    11. Chapter XI: The Status of Children.
    12. Chapter XII: Domestic Retrospect and Prospect.
  5. Appendices.
    1. Appendix A: Further Illustrations of Primitive Thought.
    2. Appendix B: The Mythological Theory.
    3. Appendix C: The Linguistic Method of the Mythologists.
  6. Back Matter
    1. References.
    2. Titles of Works Referred To
    3. Copyright and Fair Use Statement

PART II: THE INDUCTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY.

CHAPTER I: WHAT IS A SOCIETY?

§ 212. This question has to be asked and answered at the outset. Until we have decided whether or not to regard a society as an entity; and until we have decided whether, if regarded as an entity, a society is to be classed as absolutely unlike all other entities or as like some others; our conception of the subject-matter before us remains vague.

It may be said that a society is but a collective name for a number of individuals. Carrying the controversy between nominalism and realism into another sphere, a nominalist might affirm that just as there exist only the members of a species, while the species considered apart from them has no existence; so the units of a society alone exist, while the existence of the society is but verbal. Instancing a lecturer’s audience as an aggregate which by disappearing at the close of the lecture, proves itself to be not a thing but only a certain arrangement of persons, he might argue that the like holds of the citizens forming a nation.

But without disputing the other steps of his argument, the last step may be denied. The arrangement, temporary in the one case, is permanent in the other; and it is the permanence of the relations among component parts which constitutes the individuality of a whole as distinguished from the individualities of its parts. A mass broken into fragments ceases to be a thing; while, conversely, the stones, Edition: current; Page: [448] bricks, and wood, previously separate, become the thing called a house if connected in fixed ways.

Thus we consistently regard a society as an entity, because, though formed of discrete units, a certain concreteness in the aggregate of them is implied by the general persistence of the arangements among them throughout the area occupied. And it is this trait which yields our idea of a society. For, withholding the name from an ever-changing cluster such as primitive men form, we apply it only where some constancy in the distribution of parts has resulted from settled life.

§ 213. But now, regarding a society as a thing, what kind of thing must we call it? It seems totally unlike every object with which our senses acquaint us. Any likeness it may possibly have to other objects, cannot be manifest to perception, but can be discerned only by reason. If the constant relations among its parts make it an entity; the question arises whether these constant relations among its parts are akin to the constant relations among the parts of other entities. Between a society and anything else, the only conceivable resemblance must be one due to parallelism of principle in the arrangement of components.

There are two great classes of aggregates with which the social aggregate may be compared—the inorganic and the organic. Are the attributes of a society in any way like those of a not-living body? or are they in any way like those of a living body? or are they entirely unlike those of both?

The first of these questions needs only to be asked to be answered in the negative. A whole of which the parts are alive, cannot, in its general characters, be like lifeless wholes. The second question, not to be thus promptly answered, is to be answered in the affirmative. The reasons for asserting that the permanent relations among the parts of a society, are analogous to the permanent relations among the parts of a living body, we have now to consider.

Edition: current; Page: [449]

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