VIII. Environmental Influences

The Arena (Nov. 1901) Vol. XXVI: pp. 521-527.

The third group of facts includes those not easily placed in either of the preceding classes, for they are the more general influences. The results for diseases do not show the prevalence of any one malady, but rather indicate that which the individual has withstood. Their economic significance lies in the manner and degree to which they affect capacity for labor, financial returns, etc. Their social significance lies in the revelation of social conditions and how they affect the individual's adjustment to social requirements. The diseases included the following: measles, 67; whooping-cough, 48; mumps, 37; chicken-pox, 22; and adult diseases—fevers, 33; malaria, 31; pneumonia and lung trouble, 26; neuralgia, 25; organic diseases, 25; rheumatism, 22; la gripe, 13; yellow fever and epilepsy, each 5; scrofula and small-pox, each 4. Pneumonia, rheumatism, and neuralgia are often due to the conditions under which the subjects labor in the prisons. Fevers, smallpox, and other virulent diseases are so often fatal that few have withstood them.

In connection with diseases, the accidents are of interest: one-third had scars from injuries received in fighting or in punishment; 12 had evidences of being struck; bruises, 8; broken bones, shooting, and injuries from falls, 7 each; dislocations, bites, and stabs, 4 each; sprains, 2. Eighteen claimed no serious injuries. Women imprisoned under the lease system bear the marks of brutal treatment.

The amount of criminality and insanity within the family are questions that bear directly upon heredity. The data were largely unobtainable, because family ties were loose and intercourse with relatives was often cut off. The records show that 12 of the subjects had insane relatives and 27 had criminal relatives. The nature of the insanity was not known, and the crimes included such as: murder, theft, arson, rape, and assault. Insanity is certainly increasing among the negroes. Some of the causes are: closer competition in labor, insufficient physical care, and increased responsibilities. Their form of religion is also conducive to fanaticism and hallucinations.

Fears and superstitions are difficult subjects upon which to secure data because of their close relation to religion. In fear, each subject was requested to name the things she was most afraid of. Usually the number was limited to two. Only six admitted no fear, and these replies were due more to a desire to display bravado than to tell the truth. The results for the others are: snakes, 22; dying, 19; animals and whipping, 10 each; eternal punishment, 9; the dark, 8; God, 7; being killed, fighting, or losing good time in prison, 6 each; bad neighbors, 5; smallpox, water, gossip, fire, drowning, and ghosts, 2 each. Some of the reasons given were: "Fear God because He has power and sees all the time;" "fear death 'cause ain't ready;" "fears neighbors 'cause put me here." A great part of their fear has for its purpose the preservation of life, and the remainder avoidance of pain—both characteristic of lower orders of life.

The superstitions are of the same grade as the fears, and are those of a people of unorganized social and industrial life. Eighteen declared they did not believe in them, and the younger generation seems less tenacious of the traditions and omens; 54 believed in dreams, 20 in physical signs, 12 in ghosts, 6 in conjuring, and 3 in signs of Nature. Illustrations of the dreams are "belief that they will come true," "spirits in dreams," and such omens as "dream of the dead it always rains." Physical signs were such as: "itching of the hand, will get money;" "burning of the ear indicates gossip," a "jumping eye means bad trouble." Signs of Nature are such as: "God talks in thunder and lightning," and signs of rain—as the "moon holding water." In conjuring they were afraid of hoodoos, and wore charms to prevent such a disaster. These were such as small bags filled with ground-up snakeskins, seeds, shells, etc., hung about the neck, or a string with money on it tied about the ankle. Various kinds of stones were carried to prevent diseases and disasters, and it was considered a bad omen to lose them.

Although these convicts had been regular church attendants, that did not necessarily mean they "had religion," or had adopted a consistent moral code. Some of the criminals attended in the hope of getting religion; others were so blessed; still others went there to have a good time, as it was their chief social function. About 95 per cent. of the parents of the criminals attended church, but, out of the go measured, less than one-half were church-members. Sunday-schools were attended by all but seven, but the periods of attendance were so irregular that their influence could not be estimated. The reasons given for not joining the church were such as: "Tried but never did get religion," "on probation," "too liberal," "wanted to enjoy myself," "was wild and foolish."

Under the facts of nativity there are but few of importance. It is difficult to secure pure negro types, even in the black belt. Indian and white blood are freely mixed. The migratory spirit among the negroes is not extensive, which may partly account for the fact that there is no "tramp" class among them. Four-fifths of the negroes studied had never been out of the States in which they were born, and they showed the most amusing ignorance of places and distances. In the South, there is no problem of interstate migration of criminals.

The average age of offenders against person was 27 years, and of offenders against property 24 years. No reliance can be placed upon these facts, because the subjects were often ignorant of the time and place of birth, had been in prison a long time, and had lost count of the years or had willfully deceived in their answers.

An interesting series of data is that obtained from their wishes. Each subject was requested to make three wishes, excluding that of release from prison. These wishes can, with few exceptions, be grouped under four heads: physical desires, those relating to future plans, social desires, and religious and ethical hopes. The first group included a small number: for clothes, 7; money and food, 3 each. The second class included: good places to work, 12; long life, 7; good home and good luck, 6 each. The third class was the largest: desire to see relatives, 47; for letters and to be happy, 4 each; for a good time and for visits, 2 each; for sympathy, 1. Mothers and children were the relatives most wished for. The explanation of this large number lies in the fact of their imprisonment. The religious desires were: to "get religion," 26; to go to heaven, 8; ethical desires, 24. Illustrations of the last are such as: "wish to tell the truth," "treat mother right," "do right here," "have honor," "be polite." Among these wishes are found regrets for past conduct. As compared with white criminals, the negroes place emphasis upon the social and religious desires, while the whites show a larger percentage of physical desires. The whites express cynicism rather than pronounced religious emotions. The wishes of the negroes are more elementary. Trivial things are often chosen, and, like the whites, their interest is in the present. They reveal a closer domestic unity than exists among the white criminals. It was impossible to secure the letters written to relatives and friends by the negroes, for the purpose of comparison with those of the whites, for the former are seldom furnished materials and in only a few instances can they write. These letters are of value in revealing the emotions, wants, desires, and the use of things; and, being purely spontaneous, they are trustworthy.

There are a few facts of interest pertaining to the married criminals. For the offenders against person, who come more largely from the rural districts, 22 were married and 20 unmarried. Of the former, 7 were divorced and 5 were widowed. The number of years married averaged 13, and the average age at marriage was 16 years. A number admitted that they were living conjugally without the marriage ceremony. The grounds for divorce were abuse and adultery. Of the 22 married, two-thirds assisted in supporting the family. Their husbands were almost invariably unskilled laborers; 15 had bad habits, and 8 had no education whatever.

Among the offenders against property, a smaller percentage were married—16 out of 38; but a greater number had formed illegal unions. The percentage of divorces granted was one-third. The average number of years of married life and age at marriage were the same as for offenders against persons. Three-fourths assisted in supporting the family. Of the husbands, three were skilled laborers, six had bad habits, and three were illiterate.

These facts are suggestive. The women committing crime were for the greater part dependent upon themselves or had others depending upon their efforts. The protection that matrimony offers in the seclusion of the home was thus partly removed in the case of women assisting in supporting the family and wholly removed in the case of unmarried women. The fact that divorces were granted on the ground of adultery shows that there is developing a family morality unknown in the slave families. The conditions revealed by these facts show that the married women were but little favored by improvement in their environment. All the sociologic factors considered show that the environment of these criminals has not been favorable to the increase of morality or decrease in crime. Whatever may be due to racial traits and limited capacity, the environment has not been sufficiently favorable to demonstrate that these may not to a great degree be overcome.

There are some interesting distinctions between negro and white criminals that are closely related to environment. The crimes of the negroes are not different from those of the whites, but their manner of commission varies. A close analysis of records shows that even in rape the whites are quite as numerous, though not so conspicuous, as are the negroes. The negroes' crimes are simpler in execution. They are more often the result of uncontrolled impulse than of deliberate planning and patience in execution. Frequently the effect is not foreseen. A race having such low racial standards, in the sense that there is but little conscious pride in them, is not as inherently criminal as a race whose members deteriorate from higher ideals. They may be more primitive, more barbarous, but crime implies a departure from a standard within the conscious grasp of the persons who have passed the laws making it such. The negroes have attempted to adopt the laws of a race far in advance, rather than through the slow process of working it out from their own experience and compass.

There are few professional criminals, and officers agree that the most refractory convicts are not the negroes, but mulattos and others of mixed blood. The negro race has notorious criminals, 'but no truly "great" ones. The nature of a crime may render a criminal notorious, but a great criminal is skillful in execution and a genius in planning—as was Holmes. Many negroes are notorious thieves, but they remain years in stockades that would not hold a Northern safe-cracker twenty-four hours. There are no organizations among negro criminals. At times during carousals they commit crimes in unison, but they rarely have a chief or form a gang who work together for common profit. The arts, speech, and methods of communication so fully developed among white criminals exist in only a limited way. Some of the reasons for this lack of organized crime are: deficient power of organization, limited mechanical skill, intellectual shortcomings, lack of knowledge of social organization, and difficulties in the way of travel. The wealth in the North is represented by more cash and merchandise and is a ready prey to such organized gangs, while in the South this has hitherto not been so. The small communities and familiarity of one person with another would render the operations of such a gang difficult.

The statement is often seen that crime has increased among the negroes since the war. That is a matter of no surprise because increased freedom of an ignorant people invariably means increased violations of law. In the second place, acts sanctioned in slavery, as adultery and small thefts, were not then considered as crimes. Third, there were no records kept before the war, so no close comparisons are possible. Fourth, since the freeing of the negro penalties for certain crimes have been increased. There are no agencies in the South for reforming criminals and wayward children are not protected, as in the North. For these reasons increase of crime does not mean deterioration of the race, but is one phase of its attempt to meet new conditions and external forces. In the North, crime is increasing among the negroes, but there also they are meeting a most complex and advanced civilization for which they have had but slight preparation.

A more exhaustive study of criminality, carried out along lines some of which have been indicated in the preceding articles, would tend to lead to conclusions having this import:

1. Climate, soil, food, and economic and social conditions are essential elements in any study of criminality—and by "social conditions" are meant all environmental factors. Until these influences are estimated and measures are based upon the recognition of them, no great reduction in the amount of crime can be anticipated. With reference to these, the negro is more disadvantageously placed than is any other class in America.
2. The laws and penal institutions in the South are not conducted with a view to decreasing crime, but to care for the prisoner and secure revenue. Preventive measures, especially with reference to children, are just finding a place. Experience has shown that the institutional system is of great importance in both prevention and reformation.
3. The measurements and tests made upon a limited number do not reveal physical and mental conditions that should discourage efforts in education and development.
4. The environment in the South is favorable to the commission of crime by negroes. It is impossible to estimate the persistency of racial traits or of the limitations, mental or physical, imposed by racial development, until a parallel environment is removed; that is, the environment must be shown to be of such a nature that it offers every opportunity for development and improvement. In no phase of the negroes' life—domestic, social, industrial, political, or religious—does this appear to be the case.