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The Principles of Sociology, vol. 1 (1898): Chapter II: The Factors of Social Phenomena.

The Principles of Sociology, vol. 1 (1898)
Chapter II: The Factors of Social Phenomena.
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table of contents
  1. Front Matter
    1. Table of Contents: Vol. I
    2. Preface to the Third Edition.
    3. Preface to Vol. I.
  2. Part I: The Data of Sociology.
    1. Chapter I: Super-Organic Evolution.
    2. Chapter II: The Factors of Social Phenomena.
    3. Chapter III: Original External Factors.
    4. Chapter IV: Original Internal Factors.
    5. Chapter V: The Primitive Man—physical.
    6. Chapter VI: The Primitive Man—emotional.
    7. Chapter VII: The Primitive Man—intellectual.
    8. Chapter VIII: Primitive Ideas.
    9. Chapter IX: The Ideas of the Animate and the Inanimate.
    10. Chapter X: The Ideas of Sleep and Dreams.
    11. Chapter XI: The Ideas of Swoon, Apoplexy, Catalepsy, Ecstasy, and Other Forms of Insensibility.
    12. Chapter XII: The Ideas of Death and Resurrection.
    13. Chapter XIII: The Ideas of Souls, Ghosts, Spirits, Demons, Etc.
    14. Chapter XIV: The Ideas of Another Life.
    15. Chapter XV: The Ideas of Another World.
    16. Chapter XVI: The Ideas of Supernatural Agents.
    17. Chapter XVII: Supernatural Agents as Causing Epilepsy and Convulsive Actions, Delirium and Insanity, Disease and Death.
    18. Chapter XVIII: Inspiration, Divination, Exorcism, and Sorcery.
    19. Chapter XIX: Sacred Places, Temples, and Altars; Sacrifice, Fasting, and Propitiation; Praise, Prayer, Etc.
    20. Chapter XX: Ancestor-Worship in General.
    21. Chapter XXI: Idol-Worship and Fetich-Worship.
    22. Chapter XXII: Animal-Worship.
    23. Chapter XXIII: Plant-Worship.
    24. Chapter XXIV: Nature-Worship.
    25. Chapter XXV: Deities.
    26. Chapter XXVI: The Primitive Theory of Things.
    27. Chapter XXVII: The Scope of Sociology.
  3. Part II: The Inductions of Sociology.
    1. Chapter I: What Is a Society?
    2. Chapter II: A Society Is an Organism.
    3. Chapter III: Social Growth.
    4. Chapter IV: Social Structures.
    5. Chapter V: Social Functions.
    6. Chapter VI: Systems of Organs.
    7. Chapter VII: The Sustaining System.
    8. Chapter VIII: The Distributing System.
    9. Chapter IX: The Regulating System.
    10. Chapter X: Social Types and Constitutions.
    11. Chapter XI: Social Metamorphoses.
    12. Chapter XII: Qualifications and Summary.
    13. Postscript to Part II.
  4. Part III: Domestic Institutions.
    1. Chapter I: The Maintenance of Species.
    2. Chapter II: The Diverse Interests of the Species, of the Parents, and of the Offspring.
    3. Chapter III: Primitive Relations of the Sexes.
    4. Chapter IV: Exogamy and Endogamy.
    5. Chapter V: Promiscuity.
    6. Chapter VI: Polyandry.
    7. Chapter VII: Polygyny.
    8. Chapter VIII: Monogamy.
    9. Chapter IX: The Family.
    10. Chapter X: The Status of Women.
    11. Chapter XI: The Status of Children.
    12. Chapter XII: Domestic Retrospect and Prospect.
  5. Appendices.
    1. Appendix A: Further Illustrations of Primitive Thought.
    2. Appendix B: The Mythological Theory.
    3. Appendix C: The Linguistic Method of the Mythologists.
  6. Back Matter
    1. References.
    2. Titles of Works Referred To
    3. Copyright and Fair Use Statement

CHAPTER II: THE FACTORS OF SOCIAL PHENOMENA.

§ 6. The behaviour of a single inanimate object depends on the co-operation between its own forces and the forces to which it is exposed: instance a piece of metal, the molecules of which keep the solid state or assume the liquid state, according partly to their natures and partly to the heat-waves falling on them. Similarly with any group of inanimate objects. Be it a cart-load of bricks shot down, a barrowful of gravel turned over, or a boy’s bag of marbles emptied, the behaviour of the assembled masses—here standing in a heap with steep sides, here forming one with sides much less inclined, and here spreading out and rolling in all directions—is in each case determined partly by the properties of the individual members of the group, and partly by the forces of gravitation, impact, and friction, they are subjected to.

It is equally so when the discrete aggregate consists of organic bodies, such as the members of a species. For a species increases or decreases in numbers, widens or contracts its habitat, migrates or remains stationary, continues an old mode of life or falls into a new one, under the combined influences of its intrinsic nature and the environing actions, inorganic and organic.

It is thus, too, with aggregates of men. Be it rudimentary or be it advanced, every society displays phenomena that are ascribable to the characters of its units and to the Edition: current; Page: [9] conditions under which they exist. Here, then, are the factors as primarily divided.

§ 7. These factors are re-divisible. Within each there are groups of factors that stand in marked contrasts.

Beginning with the extrinsic factors, we see that from the outset several kinds of them are variously operative. We have climate; hot, cold, or temperate, moist or dry, constant or variable. We have surface; much or little of which is available, and the available part of which is fertile in greater or less degree; and we have configuration of surface, as uniform or multiform. Next we have the vegetal productions; here abundant in quantities and kinds, and there deficient in one or both. And besides the Flora of the region we have its Fauna, which is influential in many ways; not only by the numbers of its species and individuals, but by the proportion between those that are useful and those that are injurious. On these sets of conditions, inorganic and organic, characterizing the environment, primarily depends the possibility of social evolution.

When we turn to the intrinsic factors we have to note first, that, considered as a social unit, the individual man has physical traits, such as degrees of strength, activity, endurance, which affect the growth and structure of the society. He is in every case distinguished by emotional traits which aid, or hinder, or modify, the activities of the society, and its developments. Always, too, his degree of intelligence and the tendencies of thought peculiar to him, become co-operating causes of social quiescence or social change.

Such being the original sets of factors, we have now to note the secondary or derived sets of factors, which social evolution itself brings into play.

§ 8. First may be set down the progressive modifications of the environment, inorganic and organic, which societies effect.

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Among these are the alterations of climate caused by clearing and by drainage. Such alterations may be favourable to social growth, as where a rainy region is made less rainy by cutting down forests, or a swampy surface rendered more salubrious and fertile by carrying off water*; or they may be unfavourable, as where, by destroying the forests, a region already dry is made arid: witness the seat of the old Semitic civilizations, and, in a less degree, Spain.

Next come the changes wrought in the kinds and quantities of plant-life over the surface occupied. These changes are three-fold. There is the increasing culture of plants conducive to social growth, replacing plants not conducive to it; there is the gradual production of better varieties of these useful plants, causing, in time, great divergences from their originals; and there is, eventually, the introduction of new useful plants.

Simultaneously go on the kindred changes which social progress works in the Fauna of the region. We have the diminution or destruction of some or many injurious species. We have the fostering of useful species, which has the double effect of increasing their numbers and making their qualities more advantageous to society. Further, we have the naturalization of desirable species brought from abroad.

It needs but to think of the immense contrast between a wolf-haunted forest or a boggy moor peopled with wild birds, and the fields covered with crops and flocks which Edition: current; Page: [11] eventually occupy the same area, to be reminded that the environment, inorganic and organic, of a society, undergoes a continuous transformation during the progress of the society; and that this transformation becomes an all-important secondary factor in social evolution.

§ 9. Another secondary factor is the increasing size of the social aggregate, accompanied, generally, by increasing density.

Apart from social changes otherwise produced, there are social changes produced by simple growth. Mass is both a condition to, and a result of, organization. It is clear that heterogeneity of structure is made possible only by multiplicity of units. Division of labour cannot be carried far where there are but few to divide the labour among them. Complex co-operations, governmental and industrial, are impossible without a population large enough to supply many kinds and gradations of agents. And sundry developed forms of activity, both predatory and peaceful, are made practicable only by the power which large masses of men furnish.

Hence, then, a derivative factor which, like the rest, is at once a consequence and a cause of social progress, is social growth. Other factors co-operate to produce this; and this joins other factors in working further changes.

§ 10. Among derived factors we may next note the reciprocal influence of the society and its units—the influence of the whole on the parts, and of the parts on the whole.

As soon as a combination of men acquires permanence, there begin actions and reactions between the community and each member of it, such that either affects the other in nature. The control exercised by the aggregate over its units, tends ever to mould their activities and sentiments and ideas into congruity with social requirements; and these activities, sentiments, and ideas, in so far as they are Edition: current; Page: [12] changed by changing circumstances, tend to re-mould the society into congruity with themselves.

In addition, therefore, to the original nature of the individuals and the original nature of the society they form, we have to take into account the induced natures of the two. Eventually, mutual modification becomes a potent cause of transformation in both.

§ 11. Yet a further derivative factor of extreme importance remains. I mean the influence of the super-organic environment—the action and reaction between a society and neighbouring societies.

While there exist only small, wandering, unorganized hordes, the conflicts of these with one another work no permanent changes of arrangement in them. But when there have arisen the definite chieftainships which frequent conflicts tend to initiate, and especially when the conflicts have ended in subjugations, there arise the rudiments of political organization; and, as at first, so afterwards, the wars of societies with one another have all-important effects in developing social structures, or rather, certain of them. For I may here, in passing, indicate the truth to be hereafter exhibited in full, that while the industrial organization of a society is mainly determined by its inorganic and organic environments, its governmental organization is mainly determined by its super-organic environment—by the actions of those adjacent societies with which it carries on the struggle for existence.

§ 12. There remains in the group of derived factors one more, the potency of which can scarcely be over-estimated. I mean that accumulation of super-organic products which we commonly distinguish as artificial, but which, philosophically considered, are no less natural than all other products of evolution. There are several orders of these.

First come the material appliances, which, beginning with roughly-chipped flints, end in the complex automatic Edition: current; Page: [13] tools of an engine-factory driven by steam; which from boomerangs rise to eighty-ton guns; which from huts of branches and grass grow to cities with their palaces and cathedrals. Then we have language, able at first only to eke out gestures in communicating simple ideas, but eventually becoming capable of expressing involved conceptions with precision. While from that stage in which it conveys thoughts only by sounds to one or a few persons, we pass through picture-writing up to steam-printing: multiplying indefinitely the numbers communicated with, and making accessible in voluminous literatures the ideas and feelings of countless men in various places and times. Concomitantly there goes on the development of knowledge, ending in science. Numeration on the fingers grows into far-reaching mathematics; observation of the moon’s changes leads in time to a theory of the solar system; and there successively arise sciences of which not even the germs could at first be detected. Meanwhile the once few and simple customs, becoming more numerous, definite, and fixed, end in systems of laws. Rude superstitions initiate elaborate mythologies, theologies, cosmogonies. Opinion getting embodied in creeds, gets embodied, too, in accepted codes of ceremony and conduct, and in established social sentiments. And then there slowly evolve also the products we call æsthetic; which of themselves form a highly-complex group. From necklaces of fishbones we advance to dresses elaborate, gorgeous, and infinitely varied; out of discordant war-chants come symphonies and operas; cairns develop into magnificent temples; in place of caves with rude markings there arise at length galleries of paintings; and the recital of a chief’s deeds with mimetic accompaniment gives origin to epics, dramas, lyrics, and the vast mass of poetry, fiction, biography, and history.

These various orders of super-organic products, each developing within itself new genera and species while growing Edition: current; Page: [14] into a larger whole, and each acting on the other orders while reacted on by them, constitute an immensely-voluminous, immensely-complicated, and immensely-powerful set of influences. During social evolution they are ever modifying individuals and modifying society, while being modified by both. They gradually form what we may consider either as a non-vital part of the society itself, or else as a secondary environment, which eventually becomes more important than the primary environments—so much more important that there arises the possibility of carrying on a high kind of social life under inorganic and organic conditions which originally would have prevented it.

§ 13. Such are the factors in outline. Even when presented under this most general form, the combination of them is seen to be of an involved kind.

Recognizing the primary truth that social phenomena depend in part on the natures of the individuals and in part on the forces the individuals are subject to, we see that these two fundamentally-distinct sets of factors, with which social changes commence, give origin to other sets as social changes advance. The pre-established environing influences, inorganic and organic, which are at first almost unalterable, become more and more altered by the actions of the evolving society. Simple growth of population brings into play fresh causes of transformation that are increasingly important. The influences which the society exerts on the natures of its units, and those which the units exert on the nature of the society, incessantly co-operate in creating new elements. As societies progress in size and structure, they work on one another, now by their war-struggles and now by their industrial intercourse, profound metamorphoses. And the ever-accumulating, ever-complicating super-organic products, material and mental, constitute a further set of factors which become more and more influential causes of change. So that, involved as the factors are at the beginning, each step Edition: current; Page: [15] in advance increases the involution, by adding factors which themselves grow more complex while they grow more powerful.

But now having glanced at the factors of all orders, original and derived, we must neglect for the present those which are derived, and attend exclusively, or almost exclusively, to those which are original. The Data of Sociology, here to be dealt with, we must, as far as possible, restrict to those primary data common to social phenomena in general, and most readily distinguished in the simplest societies. Adhering to the broad division made at the outset between the extrinsic and intrinsic co-operating causes, we will consider first the extrinsic.

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