Background and Context

[Editor's Note] The same year Uncle Tom's Cabin was appearing in The National Era, Douglass merged The North Star with the Liberty Party Paper of Syracuse; he called the new publication Frederick Douglass' Paper. Delany continued to work alongside Douglass at the new publication.

The following letters, published in Douglass' newspaper, show the ambivalence with which African American activists often regarded Stowe's novel. While Douglass recognized that the novel was a powerful tool for the abolitionist movement, Delany was troubled that Stowe was profiting from the exploitation of black suffering. Further, both Douglass and Delany rejected Uncle Tom as a model for African American uplift. This debate played out in the pages of Frederick Douglass' Paper. Aware of the criticism, Stowe reached out to Douglass for advice as to how she could use the proceeds from the novel to help African Americans.

Dear Douglass:—

“Uncle Tom's Cabin!” “Uncle Tom's Cabin” is all the topic here, aside from the vulgar theme of politics; which (though surface broad penetrates no deeper) is at present well nigh being eclipsed by its greater rival, my “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” since its entry into Gotham.

Mrs. Beecher Stowe has deserved well of her country, in thus bringing Uncle Tom's Cabin, and all its associations, from the sunny South, into these Northern regions, and placing it upon the Northern track, and sending it thence round the land. This species of abolitionism finds its way into quarters here, hitherto so faced over with the adamant of pro-slavery politics, unionism, churchism, and every other shade of “ism” hammered out, and welded on by his satanic majesty and faithful subjects, for the last half century, that it completely staggers belief and puts credulity wholly at fault. Shop-keepers that heretofore exposed for sale, but fancy articles for Southern gentry, ponderous volumes for the benefit of Southern slavery, Webster speeches and other dough-faced articles for Southern benefits; or, exhibited in their windows Zip Coon, or Jim Crow, with his naked toes kicking out the panes, for general amusement, profit and loyalty to the Southern God; I say that these very shop-keepers are now proud to illume these very windows through the windows of my Uncle Tom's Cabin; while good Old Aunt Chloe peeps out just to see what the matter is. May she continue to look out until every Uncle Tom is restored to his God-given rights—his full manhood—till every vestige of justice is done him.

The truth is, this species of literature will soon assume its wanted place here, which is one of high eminence, and it may not be regretted should its march be in an inverted order; the blacks (who by position ought to be the more faithful delineators of oppression, and the keenest searchers after justice, that she fully does her office-work) being found in the Rear instead of being found, not merely in the Front Rank, but in the very Lead. Of one thing, however, be assured, there is something in the heart of this community deeper rooted than the teachings of politicians, demagogues, and robed priests, and is growing, and will, if they do not mend their ways, and change their teaching, in its giant-strength, eject them from society, and consign them to their proper place—Oblivion.

One thing more; prosaic writers—white or black, may ere long lay down their pens, that are not wetted to wield in behalf of the rights, and the equality of man; for “to this complexion we must all come at last:” and high on the willows may poets hang their harps, if not attuned to sing of this noble theme:

When, my dear sir, I take a perspective look up the path of the bright future, the reflection it induces, “brings the light of other days around me.”

Yours truly,
Ethiop.
Brooklyn Heights, N.Y., June 5th, 1852.

It was our pleasure and privilege, during our recent visit to Massachusetts, to pass a day and a night in “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” at Andover. The house is known through the town by this designation. It was only necessary to inquire at the railroad station for “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” to be at once directed to the door of Mrs. Stowe's dwelling—an edifice, by the way, bearing little resemblance to slave cabins, as we have seen them, either in the size, in the materials of which it was constructed, in the character of its architecture, or the style of its furniture; but it is just such a dwelling, in all these particulars, as befits the exalted genius which it shelters.

The house is plain, large and substantial—built of solid granite, of sombre hue, and looks as if it might abide the blasts of ages. The site on which the dwelling stands is well chosen, fronting, as it does, the college buildings, and the beautiful public square, which is filled with trees, and must, in summer, be a charming spot.

We have seen it when it was thronged with the youthful flowers of New England orthodoxy; young gentlemen sent hither to the school of the puritan prophets, to fathom the mysterious depths of the theology of their fathers.

As we looked on “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” and the grand old college, we could not help thinking that the cabin would, in history, outshine the college, illustrious though the latter may be. Already, the dazzling fame of “the Cabin” has transcended, and thrown into shade that of the college. The name of its occupant is known among nations, whose men of learning have not heard of Andover. How happens this? Here is the explanation. The word of Mrs. Stowe is addressed to the soul of universal humanity. That word, bounded by no national lines, despises the limits of Sectarian sympathy, and thrills the universal heart. God bless her for that word! The slave in his chains shall hear it gladly, and the slave-holder shall hear it; both shall rejoice in it, and by its light and love learn lessons of liberty and brotherhood.

Our reception, at the Cabin, by Mr. and Mrs. Stowe, was free from all ostentation; and, though kindly, very quietly managed. No high sounding phrases of welcome to cover the lack of cordiality. Dr. Stowe himself was quite unwell, and the excellent authoress had to be master as well as mistress, of ceremonies, which, by the way, not being very complicated, cost very little effort.

So much has been said and written about Mrs. Stowe, that it is hardly worth while for us to give our daguerrotype impression of her. Yet, everybody wants to know how persons of her eminence look; how they speak; how they act at home? Whether they're pretty or homely? Whether they are quiet or boisterous? Whether they are loquacious or reserved? We are all looking out for examples, and we look for them among the great ones; if we cannot imitate them in their great works, we can, at least, imitate them in their manners and bearing.

Well, in respect to Mrs. Stowe, as might be supposed, she has a way and a manner of her own; having more points of resemblance, perhaps, with the sisterhood of American women than most persons; yet, peculiar, marked, original. Sitting at the window of a milliner's shop, no one would ever suspect her of being the splendid genius that she is! She would be passed and repassed, attracting no more attention than ordinary ladies. She would appear simply as a thoughtful, industrious manager of household affairs; nothing more.

It is only when in conversation with the authoress of “Uncle Tom's Cabin” that she would be suspected of possessing that deep insight into human character, that melting pathos, keen and quiet wit, powers of argumentation, exalted sense of justice, and enlightened and comprehensive philosophy, so eminently displayed in the master book of the nineteenth century.

The object of our visit was to consult with the authoress, as to some method which should contribute successfully, and permanently, to the improvement and elevation of the free people of color in the United States—a work in which the benevolent lady designs to take a practical part; and we hesitate not to say that we shall look with more confidence to her efforts in that department, than to those of any other single individual in the country. In addition to having a heart for the work, she, of all others, has the ability to command and combine the means for carrying it forward in a manner likely to be most efficient. She desires that some practical good shall result to the colored people of this country, by the publication of her book—that some useful institution shall rise up in the wake of “Uncle Tom's Cabin.”—The good lady, after showing us, in the most child-like manner, any number of letters, in testimony of the value of her book, together with presents of various kinds, among the number the beautiful “Bronze Statue of a Female Slave,” entered most fully into a discussion with us on the present condition and wants of “the free colored people.”

Her style of conversation is free from the slightest tinge of affectation; she makes little account of emphasis, accentuation, pronunciation or rhetoric. The words are, evidently, subordinate to the thought—not the thought to the words. You listen to her, rather than to her language. While engaged in carrying out any particular branch of an argument, her whole mind seems turned within, and she seems not to think of the presence of any. But when the thought or argument is completely expressed, there is a lighting up of all the features; the eyes flash with especial brilliance. The feeling with which her manner inspired us, is not unlike that experienced when contemplating the ocean waves upon the velvet strand. You see them silently forming—rising—rolling—and increasing in speed, till, all at once, they are gloriously capped in sparkling beauty. Thus, wave after wave rolls in from the ocean; the mind fastened upon the beauty of the one, until disengaged by the still greater beauty of those succeeding. We could not feel other than at home in the presence of Mrs. Stowe, notwithstanding our reverence for her genius. She who had walked, with lighted candle, through the darkest and most obscure corners of the slave's soul, and had unfolded the secrets of the slave's lacerated heart, could not be a stranger to us; nor could we make ourselves such to her.

She was our friend and benefactress. Aye, and the friend of all mankind—one like Burns or Shakespeare, those favored ones of earth, to whom the whole book of humanity unfolds its ample pages, and from whom nothing is hid.

We looked around, while here, to see if we could find anything like a counterpart to little “Eva,” (a Topsy we did not expect to find—that is a character for which we should look elsewhere—we think we have met with many in our day,) and lo! A dear little “Eva” stood at our elbow, in the person of a young daughter of Mrs. Stowe—a child from 8 to 10 years old, with a voice as tender and gentle, and eyes as soft, and as intensely spiritual as those which adorned the angelic creation in “Uncle Tom's Cabin.” We said, “why you are little Eva!” the dear girl answered with a beautiful meekness, and a turn of seriousness far beyond her years, “Oh! No, I'm not so good as she!”

Mrs. Stowe's plan for improving the condition of the free colored people will be made known in due season. For the present, it is sufficient to know that her attention is now most earnestly turned to this subject; and we have no question that it will result in lasting benefit to our class.

Frederick Douglass, Esq.: Dear Sir:—I notice in your paper of March 4 an article in which you speak of having paid a visit to Mrs. H. E. B. Stowe, for the purpose, as you say, of consulting her, “as to some method which should contribute successfully and permanently, in the improvement and elevation of the free people of color in the United States.” Also, in the number of March 18th, in an article by a writer over the initials of “P. C. S.,” in reference to the same subject, he concludes by saying, “I await with much interest the suggestions of Mrs. Stowe in this matter.”

Now, I simply wish to say, that we have always fallen into great errors in efforts of this kind, going to others than the intelligent and experienced among ourselves; and in all due respect and deference to Mrs. Stowe, I beg leave to say, that she knows nothing about us, “the Free Colored people of the United States,” neither does any other white person—and, consequently, can contrive no successful scheme for our elevation; it must be done by ourselves. I am aware, that I differ with many in thus expressing myself, but I cannot help it; though I stand alone, and offend my best friends, so help me God! in a matter of such moment and importance, I will express my opinion. Why, in God's name, don't the leaders among our people make suggestions, and consult the most competent among their own brethren concerning our elevation? This they do not do; and I have not known one, whose province it was to do so, to go ten miles for such a purpose. We shall never effect anything until this is done.

I accord with the suggestions of H. O Wagoner for a National Council or Consultation of our people, provided intelligence, maturity and experience in matters among them, could be so gathered together; other than this, would be a mere mockery—like the Convention of 1848, a coming together of rivals, to test their success for the “biggest offices.” As God lives, I will never, knowingly, lend my aid to any such work, while our brethren groan in vassalage and bondage, and I and mine under oppression and degradation, such as we now suffer.

I would not give the counsel of one dozen intelligent colored freeman of the right stamp, for that of all the white and unsuitable colored persons in the land. But something must be done, and that speedily.

The so called free states, by their acts, are now virtually saying to the South, “you shall not emancipate; your blacks must be slaves; and should they come North, there is no refuge for them.” I shall not be surprised to see, at no distant day, a solemn Convention called by the whites in the North, to deliberate on the propriety of changing the whole policy to that of slave states. This will be the remedy to prevent dissolution; and it will come, mark that! anything on the part of the American people to save their Union. Mark me—the non-slaveholding states will become slave states.

Yours for God and Humanity,

M. R. Delany.

Remarks—That colored men would agree among themselves to do something for the efficient and permanent aid of themselves and their race, “is a consummation devoutly to be wished;” but until they do, it is neither wise nor graceful for them, or for any one of them to throw cold water upon plans and efforts made for that purpose by others. To scornfully reject all aid from our white friends, and to denounce them as unworthy of our confidence, looks high and mighty enough on paper; but unless the back ground is filled up with facts demonstrating our independence and self-sustaining power, of what use is such display of self-consequence? Brother Delany has worked long and hard, he has written vigorously, and spoken eloquently to colored people—beseeching them, in the name of liberty, and all the dearest interests of humanity, to unite their energies, and to increase their activities in the work of their own elevation; yet where has his voice been heeded? and where is the practical result? Echo answers, where? Is not the field open? Why, then, should any man object to the efforts of Mrs. Stowe, or any one else, who is moved to do anything on our behalf? The assertion that Mrs. Stowe “knows nothing about us,” shows that bro. Delany knows nothing about Mrs. Stowe; for he certainly would not so violate his moral, or common sense if he did. When Brother Delany will submit any plan for benefiting the colored people, or will candidly criticize any plan already submitted, he will be heard with pleasure. But we expect no plan from him. He has written a book—and we may say that it is, in many respects, an excellent book—on the condition, character and destiny of the colored people; but it leaves us just where it finds us, without chart or compass, and in more doubt and perplexity than before we read it.

Brother Delany is one of our strong men; and we are therefore all the more grieved, that at a moment when all our energies should be united in giving effect to the benevolent designs of our friends, his voice should be uplifted to strike a jarring note, or to awaken a feeling of distrust.

In respect to a national convention, we are for it—and will not only go “ten miles,” but a thousand, if need be, to attend it. Away, therefore, with all unworthy flings on that score.—Ed.

Frederick Douglass, Esq.: Dear Sir: —I “throw in” this note, between the three letters which I promised you in regular succession.

It is now certain, that the Rev. Josiah Henson, of Dawn, Canada West, is the real Uncle Tom, the Christian hero, in Mrs. Stowe's far-famed book of “Uncle Tom's Cabin.” Mr. Henson is well known to both you and I, and what is said of him in Mrs. S.'s “Key,” as far as we are acquainted with the man, and even the opinion we might form of him from our knowledge of his character, we know, or at least believe, to be true to the letter.

Now, what I simply wish to suggest to you, is this: Since Mrs. Stowe and Messrs. Jewett & Co., Publishers, have realized so great an amount of money from the sale of a work founded upon this good old man, whose living testimony has to be brought to sustain this great book—and believing that the publishers have realized five dollars to the authoress' one—would it be expecting too much to suggest, that they—the publishers—present Father Henson—for by that name we all know him—with at least five thous.—no, I won't name any particular sum—but a portion of the profits? I do not know what you may think about it; but it strikes me that this would be but just and right.

I have always thought that George and Eliza were Mr. Henry Bibb and his first wife, with the character of Mr. Lewis Hayden, his wife Harriet and little son, who also effected their escape from Kentucky, under the auspices of Delia Webster, and that martyr philanthropist, Calvin Fairbanks, now incarcerated in a Kentucky States' prison dungeon. I say the person of Bibb with the character of Hayden; because, in personal appearance of stature and color, as well as circumstances, Bibb answers precisely to George; while he stood quietly by, as he tells us in his own great narrative—and it is a great book—with a hoe in his hand, begging his master to desist, while he stripped his wife's clothes off (!!!) and lacerated her flesh, until the blood flowed in pools at her feet! To the contrary, had this been Hayden—who, by the way, is not like Bibb nearly white, but black—he would have buried the hoe deep in the master's skull, laying him lifeless at his feet.

I am of the opinion, that Mrs. Stowe has draughted largely on all of the best fugitive slave narratives—at least on Douglass', Brown's, Bibb's, and perhaps Clark's, as well as the living Household of old Father Henson; but of this I am not competent to judge, not having as yet read “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” my wife having told me the most I know about it. But these draughts on your narratives, clothed in Mrs. Stowe's own language, only makes her work the more valuable, as it is the more truthful.

The “negro language,” attributed to Uncle Tom by the authoress, makes the character more natural for a slave; but I would barely state, that Father Josiah Henson makes use of as good language, as any one in a thousand Americans.

The probability is, that either to make the story the more effecting, or to conceal the facts of the old man's still being alive, Mrs. Stowe closed his earthly career in New Orleans; but a fact which the publishers may not know: Father Henson is still a slave by the laws of the United States—a fugitive slave in Canada. It may be but justice to him to say, that I have neither seen nor heard directly or indirectly from Father Henson since September, 1851—then, I was in Toronto, Canada.

The person of Father Henson will increase the valuation of Mrs. Stowe's work very much in England, as he is well known, and highly respected there. His son, Josiah Henson, Jr., is still in England, having accompanied his father there in the winter of 1850.

I may perhaps have made freer use of your and the other names herein mentioned, than what was altogether consonant with your feelings; but I didn't ask you—that's all. Yours for God and Humanity.

M. R. Delany.

Pittsburgh, April 15th, 1853.

Frederick Douglass, Esq.: Dear Sir:—I send you, according to promise, the second of my series of letters. In saying, in my letter of the 22nd of March, that “Mrs. Stowe knows nothing about us—'the Free Colored People of the United States'—neither does any white person,” I admit the expression to be ironical, and not intended to be taken in its literal sense; but I meant to be understood in so saying, that they know nothing, comparatively, about us, to the intelligent, reflecting, general observers among the Free Colored People of the North. And while I readily admit, that I “know nothing about Mrs. Stowe,” I desire very much, to learn something of her; and as I could not expect it of Mrs. Stowe, to do so, were she in the country at present, I may at least ask it of brother Douglass, and hope that he will neither consider it derogatory to Mrs. Stowe's position nor attainments, to give me the required information concerning her. I go beyond the mere point of asking it as a favor; I demand it as a right—from you I mean—as I am an interested party, and however humble, may put such reasonable questions to the other party—looking upon you, in this case, as the attorney of said party—as may be necessary to the pending proceedings.

First, then, assertion; is not Mrs. Stowe a Colonizationalist? having so avowed, or at least subscribed to, and recommended their principles in her great work of Uncle Tom.

Secondly; although Mrs. Stowe has ably, eloquently and pathetically portrayed some of the sufferings of the slave, is it any evidence that she has any sympathy for his thrice-morally crucified, semi-free brethren any where, or of the African race at all; when in the same world-renowned and widely circulated work, she sneers at Hayti—the only truly free and independent civilized black nation as such, or colored if you please, on the face of the earth—at the same time holding up the little dependent colonization settlement of Liberia in high estimation? I must be permitted to draw my own conclusions, when I say that I can see no other cause for this singular discrepancy in Mrs. Stowe's interest in the colored race, than that one is independent of, and the other subservient to, white men's power.

You will certainly not consider this idea farfetched, because it is true American policy; and I do not think strange, even of Mrs. Stowe, for following in a path so conspicuous, as almost to become the principal public highway. At least, no one will dispute its being a well-trodden path.

Thirdly, says brother Douglass, “Why, then, should any man object to the efforts of Mrs. Stowe, or any one else, who is moved to do anything in our behalf?” Bro. Douglass does not mean, and I will not so torture his language, as to make it imply that he means, that we should permit any body to undertake measures for our elevation. If so, those of Gurley, Pinney, and other colonizationalists, should be acknowledged by us as acceptable measures. But are we to accept of colonization measures for our elevation?—Certainly not, you will readily reply. Then, if that be true, and Mrs. Stowe be what I have predicated—which I hope her friends may prove, satisfactorily, to the contrary—we should reject the proffers of Mrs. Stowe, as readily as those of any other colonizationalist. What! Have our children tutored under colonization measures? God Forbid! But why question Mrs. Stowe's measures? I will tell you. In May last, a colored man,—humble and common placed, to be sure—chanced to meet Mrs. Stowe at the house of Mr. B——, in the city of N——, State of N——, where he had called with some articles for sale. He informs me that Mrs. Stowe was very indifferent towards him—more so, he thought, than any of the several persons present; and hearing him speak of his elevation in the United States, she asked, very seriously, what he expected to gain by any efforts that could be made here; and when he referred to the West Indies, and South America, &c.;, as an alternative, she at once asked him, “why he did not go to Liberia”—that moral and political bane of the colored people of this country—manifesting no sympathy whatever with the tortured feelings, crushed spirits and outraged homes of the Free Colored people, even the poor wretch who then stood before her. All this may have been, you may say, and still Mrs. Stowe be all that we could desire. It may be; but he who can believe such things, has stronger faith and confidence than I, in our American people. I must admit, that in them my confidence is terribly shattered. But, I will suppose a case as parallel with this one.

Mrs. Christian, of Vienna, in Austria, a highly intellectual, pious lady, writes a book—an excellent work—which is beginning to attract general public attention, for it is portrayal of Hungarian wrongs. The deeply-moved sympathies of the lady's soul seems to teem through every chapter and page, exposing Austrian oppression, and, impliedly, advocating Hungarian rights—as would be reasonably supposed—the right to live freemen in Austria, or, at least, Hungary, their native part of the Empire. While the public attention is thus aroused, and that lady's book is almost the only topic of conversation among the people, from Paris to St. Petersburgh, what would be thought of that lady if a poor Hungarian chanced to meet her, and she manifested no sympathy for him, the present representative in poverty and obscurity of the very people whose cause she professed to espouse; and when he claimed the right to live in Austria, she would unconcernedly ask him why he did not go to Siberia, the inhospitable criminal colony of Russia—answering very well to the Liberia of the American colonizationalists, only not so cruel—since Russia sends only her criminals, mostly deserting soldiers and political offenders, while the United States Colonization Society forces innocent men, women and children to go, who never did harm to any one? Surely, according to the supposition predicated above, the Hungarians would have great cause for fearing, if not suspecting Mrs. Christian's fidelity to their cause.

Lastly; the Industrial Institution in contemplation by Mrs. Stowe, for the tuition of colored youth, proposes, as I understand it, the entire employment of white instructors. This, I strongly object to, as having a tendency to engender in our youth a higher degree of respect and confidence for white persons than for those of their own color; and creates the impression that colored persons are incapable of teaching, and only suited to subordinate positions. I have observed carefully, in all of my travels in our country—in all the schools that I visited—colored schools I mean—that in those taught in whole or part by colored persons, the pupils were always the most respectful towards me, and the less menial in their general bearing. I do not object to white teachers in part; but I do say, that wherever competent colored teachers could be obtained for any of the departments, they should be employed. Self-respect begets due obedience to others; and obedience is the first step to self-government among any people. Certainly, this should be an essential part of the training of our people, separated in interests as we have been, in this country. All the rude and abominable ideas that exist among us, in preferences for color, have been engendered from the whites; and in God's name, I ask them to do nothing more to increase this absurdity.

Another consideration, is, that all of the pecuniary advantages arising from this position go into the pockets of white men and women, thereby depriving colored persons, so far, of this livelihood. This is the same old song sung over again,

“Dimes and dollars—dollars and dimes,”

and I will say, without the fear of offence, that nothing that has as yet been gotten up by our friends, for the assistance of the colored people of the United States, has ever been of any pecuniary benefit to them. Our white friends take care of that part. There are, to my knowledge, two exceptions to this allegation—Douglass' printing establishment, and the “Alleghany Institute;” the one having a colored man at the head, and in the other, the assistant being a colored man.

There is an old American story about an Indian and a white man, hunting game together; when they shoot wild turkeys and buzzards, agreeing to divide, taking bird about; the white huntsman being the teller. In counting, the white man would say, alternately taking up either bird, “turkey for me, and buzzard for you—buzzard for you, and turkey for me.” He growing tired of that method of counting the game, soon accosted his friend: “Uh! How's dis? All buzzard for me; but you never say, turkey for me, once.” I feel somewhat as this Indian did; I am growing weary of receiving the buzzard as our share, while our tellers get all the turkeys. That “is not the way to 'tell' it” to me.

But I have not yet read the “Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin,” and it may be that, in that, Mrs. S.—and I sincerely hope she has—has changed her [illegible], and renounced Colonization as she had made a public avowal of it; and a priori, just so far as her work received favor, her opinions on that subject will also be received.

I am aware that I am saying much more than is allowable, as I do not know of any of our professed anti-slavery friends who have taken public positions, who will permit any of their measures to be questioned by a colored person, except in the fullness of those great and good hearts—W. L. Garrison, Gerritt Smith, and that more than excellent woman, Mrs. Hester Moore, of Philadelphia, whose name you now scarcely ever hear of. She is an abolitionist of the Garrison and Smith sort; she loves the cause of Hungary for the sake of the Hungarians.

Let me say another thing, brother Douglass; that is, that no enterprise, institution, or anything else, should be commenced for us, or our general benefit, without first consulting us. By this, I mean, consulting the various communities of the colored people in the United States, by such a correspondence as should make public the measure, and solicit their general interests and coincidence. In this way, the intelligence and desires of the whole people would be elicited, and an intelligent understanding of their real desires obtained. Other than this, is treating us as slaves, and presupposing us all to be ignorant, and incapable of knowing our own wants. Many of the measures of our friends have failed from this very cause; and I am fearful that many more will fail.

In conclusion, brother Douglass, let me say, that I am the last person among us who would wilfully “strike a jarring note, or awaken a feeling of distrust,” uncalled for; and although you may pronounce it “unwise, ungraceful, and sounding high and mighty on paper;” as much high respect as an humble simple-minded person should have for them, and as much honored as I should feel in having such names enrolled as our benefactors—associated with our degraded position in society; believe me when I tell you, that I speak it as a son, a brother, a husband and a father; I speak it from the consciousness of oppressed humanity, outraged manhood, of a degraded husband and disabled father; I speak it from the recesses of a wounded bleeding heart—in the name of my wife and children, who look to me for protection, as the joint partner of our humble fireside; I say, if this great fund and aid are to be sent here to foster and aid the schemes of the American Colonization Society, as I say to you—I say with reverence, and an humbleness of feeling, becoming my position, with a bowed-down head, that the benevolent, great and good, the Duchess of Sutherland, Mr. Gurney, their graces the Earl of Shaftesbury and the Earl of Carlisle; had far better retain their money in the Charity Fund of Stafford House, or any other place, than to send it to the United States for any such unhallowed purposes!—No person will be more gratified, nor will more readily join in commendation, than I, of any good measure attempted to be carried out by Mrs. Stowe, if the contrary of her colonization principles be disproved. I will not accept chains from a king, any sooner than from a peasant; and never shall, willingly, submit to any measures for my own degradation. I am in hopes, brother Douglass, as every one else will understand my true position.

Yours for God and down-trodden Humanity,

M. R. Delany.
Pittsburgh, April 18th, 1853.

The Letter of M. R. Delany.

This letter is premature, unfair, uncalled for, and, withal, needlessly long; but, happily, it needs not a long reply.

Can brother Delany be the writer of it?—It lacks his generous spirit. The letter is premature, because it attacks a plan, the details of which are yet undefined. It is unfair, because imputes designs (and replies to them) which have never been declared. It is uncalled for, because there is nothing in the position of Mrs. Stowe which should awaken against her a single suspicion of unfriendliness towards the free colored people of the United States; but, on the contrary, there is much in it to inspire confidence in her friendship.

The information for which brother Delany asks, concerning Mrs. Stowe, he has given himself. He says she is a colonizationist; and we ask, what if she is?—names do not frighten us. A little while ago, brother Delany was a colonizationist. If we do not misremember, in his book he declared in favor of colonizing the eastern coast of Africa. Yet, we never suspected his friendliness to the colored people; nor should we feel called upon to oppose any plan he might submit, for the benefit of the colored people, on that account. We recognize friends wherever we find them.

Whoever will bring a straw's weight of influence to break the chains of our brother bondmen, or whisper one word of encouragement and sympathy to our proscribed race in the North, shall be welcomed by us to that philanthropic field of labor. We shall not, therefore, allow the sentiments put in the brief letter of George Harris, at the close of Uncle Tom's Cabin, to vitiate forever Mrs. Stowe's power to do us good. Who doubts that Mrs. Stowe is more of an abolitionist now than when she wrote that chapter?—We believe that lady to be but at the beginning of her labors for the colored people of this country.

Brother Delany says, nothing should be done for us, or commenced for us, without “consulting us.” Where will he find “us" to consult with? Through what organization, or what channel could such consulting be carried on? Does he mean by consulting “us” that nothing is do be done for the improvement of the colored people in general, without consulting each colored man in the country whether it shall be done? How many, in this case, constitute “us”? Evidently brother Delany is a little unreasonable here.

Four years ago, a proposition was made, through the columns of The North Star, for the formation of a “National League,” and a constitution for said League was drawn up, fully setting forth a plan for united, intelligent and effective co-operation on the part of the free colored people of the United States—a body capable of being “consulted.” The colored people, in their wisdom, or in their indifference, gave the scheme little or no encouragement—and it failed. Now, we happen to know that such an organization as was then proposed, was enquired for, and sought for by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe; she wished, most of all, to hear from such a body what could be done for the free colored people of the United States? But there was no such body to answer.

The fact is, brother Delany, we are a disunited and scattered people, and very much of the responsibility of this disunion must fall upon such colored men as yourself and the writer of this. We want more confidence in each other, as a race—more self-forgetfulness, and less disposition to find fault with well-meant efforts for our benefit. Mr. Delany knows that, at this moment, he could call a respectable Convention of the free colored people of the Northern States. Why don't he issue his call? and he knows, too, that, were we to issue such a call, it would instantly be regarded as an effort to promote the interests of our paper. This consideration, and a willingness on our part to occupy an obscure position in such a movement, has led us to refrain from issuing a call. The Voice of the Fugitive, we observe, has suggested the holding, in New York, of a “World's Convention” during the “World's Fair.” A better proposition, we think, would be to hold in that city a “National Convention” of the colored people. Will not friend Delany draw up a call for such a Convention, and send it to us for publication?

But to return. Brother Delany asks, if we should allow “any body” to undertake measures for our elevation? YES, we answer—any body, even a slaveholder. Why not? Then says brother Delany, why not accept the measures of “Gurley and Pinney”? We answer, simply because their measures do not commend themselves to our judgment. That is all. If “Gurley and Pinney” would establish an industrial college, where colored young men could learn useful trades, with a view to their becoming useful men and respectable citizens of the United States, we should applaud them and co-operate with them.

We don't object to Colonizations because they express a lively interest in the civilization and Christianization of Africa; nor because they desire the prosperity of Liberia; but it is because, like brother Delany, they have not sufficient faith in the people of the United States to believe that the black man can ever get justice at their hands on American soil. It is because they have systematically, and almost universally, sought to spread their hopelessness among the free colored people themselves; and thereby rendered them, if not contented with, at least resigned to the degradation which they have been taught to believe must be perpetual and immutable, while they remain where they are. It is because, having denied the possibility of our elevation here, they have sought to make good this denial, by encouraging the enactment of laws subjecting us to the most flagrant outrages, and stripping us of all the safeguards necessary to the security of our liberty, persons and property.—We say all this of the American Colonization Society; but we are far from saying this of many who speak and wish well to Liberia. As to the imputation that all the pecuniary profit arising out of the industrial scheme will probably pass into the pockets of the whites, it will be quite time enough to denounce such a purpose when such a purpose is avowed. But we have already dwelt too long on a letter which perhaps carried its own answer with it.

My Dear Mrs. Stowe:—

You kindly informed me, when at your house, a fortnight ago, that you designed to do something which should permanently contribute to the improvement and elevation of the free colored people in the United States. You especially expressed an interest in such of this class as had become free by their own exertions, and desired most of all to be of service to them. In what manner, and by what means, you can assist this class most successfully, is the subject upon which you have done me the honor to ask my opinion.

Begging you to excuse the unavoidable delay, I will now most gladly comply with your request, but before doing so, I desire to express, dear Madam, my deep sense of the value of the services which you have already rendered my afflicted and persecuted people, by the publication of your inimitable book on the subject of slavery. That contribution to our bleeding cause, alone, involves us in a debt of gratitude which cannot be measured; and your resolution to make other exertions on our behalf excites in me emotions and sentiments, which I scarcely need try to give forth in words. Suffice it to say, that I believe you have the blessings of your enslaved countrymen and countrywomen; and the still higher reward which comes to the soul in the smiles of our merciful Heavenly father, whose ear is ever open to the cries of the oppressed.

With such sentiments, dear Madam, I will at once proceed to lay before you, in as few words as the nature of the case will allow, my humble views in the premises. First of all, let me briefly state the nature of the disease, before I undertake to prescribe the remedy. Three things are notoriously true of us, as a people. These are Poverty, Ignorance, and Degradation. Of course there are exceptions to this general statement; but these are so few as only to prove its essential truthfulness. I shall not stop here to inquire minutely into the causes. It is enough that we shall agree upon the character of the evil, whose existence we deplore, and upon some plan for its removal.

I assert, then, that poverty, ignorance and degradation are the combined evils; or, in other words, these constitute the social disease of the free colored people in the United States.

To deliver them from this triple malady, is to improve and elevate them, by which I mean simply to put them on an equal footing with their white fellow-countrymen in the sacred right to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” I am for no fancied or artificial elevation, but only ask fair play.—How shall this be obtained? I answer, first, not by establishing for our use high schools and colleges. Such institutions are, in my judgment, beyond our immediate occasions, and are not adapted to our present most pressing wants. High schools and colleges are excellent institutions, and will, in due season, be greatly subservient to our progress; but they are the result, as well as they are the demand of a point of progress, which we, as a people, have not yet attained. Accustomed, as we have been, to the rougher and harder modes of living, and of gaining a livelihood, we cannot, and we ought not to hope that, in a single leap from our low condition, we can reach that of Ministers, Lawyers, Doctors, Editors, Merchants, &c.. These will, doubtless, be attained by us, but this will only be, when we have patiently and laboriously, and I may add successfully, mastered and passed through the intermediate gradations of agriculture and the mechanic arts. Besides, there are (and perhaps this is a better reason for my view of the case) numerous institutions of learning in this country, already thrown open to colored youth. To my thinking, there are quite as many facilities now afforded to the colored people, as they can spare the time, from the sterner duties of life, to avail themselves of. In their present condition of poverty, they cannot spare their sons and daughters two or three years at boarding schools or colleges, to say nothing of finding the means to sustain them while at such institutions. I take it, therefore, that we are well provided for in this respect; and that it may be fairly inferred from the past that the facilities for our education, so far as schools and colleges in the Free States are concerned, will increase quite in proportion with our future wants. Colleges have been open to colored youth in this country during the last dozen years. Yet few, comparatively, have acquired a classical education; and even this few have found themselves educated far above a living condition, there being no methods by which they could turn their learning to account. Several of this latter class have entered the ministry; but you need not be told that an educated people is needed to sustain an educated ministry.—There must be a certain amount of cultivation among the people to sustain such a ministry. At present, we have not that cultivation amongst us; and therefore, we value, in the preacher, strong lungs, rather than high learning. I do not say that educated Ministers are not needed amongst us. Far from it! I wish there were more of them; but to increase their number is not the largest benefit you can bestow on us.

You, dear Madam, can help the masses.—You can do something for the thousands; and by lifting these from the depths of poverty and ignorance, you can make an educated ministry and an educated class possible. In the present circumstances, prejudice is a bar to the educated black minister among the whites; and ignorance is a bar to him among the blacks.

We have now two or three colored lawyers in this country; and I rejoice in the fact; for it affords very gratifying evidence of our progress. Yet it must be confessed that, in point of success, our lawyers are as great failures as our Ministers. White people will not employ them to the obvious embarrassment of their causes, and the blacks, taking their cue from the whites, have not sufficient confidence in their abilities to employ them. Hence, educated colored men, among the colored people, are at a very great discount. It would seem that education and emigration go together with us; for as soon as a man rises amongst us, capable, by his genius and learning, to no great service, just so soon as he finds that he can serve himself better by going elsewhere. In proof of this, I might instance the Russwurms—the Garnetts—the Wards—the Crummells and others—all men of superior ability and attainments, and capable of removing mountains of prejudice against their [Illegible], by their simple presence in this country; but these gentlemen, finding themselves embarrassed here by the peculiar disadvantages to which I have referred—disadvantages in part growing out of their education—being repelled by ignorance on the one hand, and prejudice on the other, and having no taste to continue a contest against such odds, they have sought more congenial climes, where they can live more peaceable and quiet lives. I regret their election—but I cannot blame them; for, with an equal amount of education, and the hard lot which was theirs, I might follow their example.

But, again, it has been said that the colored people must become farmers—that they must go on the land, in order to their elevation. Hence, many benevolent people are contributing the necessary funds to purchase land in Canada, and elsewhere, for them.—The prince of such men, Gerrit Smith, has given away thousands of acres to colored men in this State, thinking, doubtless, that in so doing he was conferring a blessing upon them. Now, while I do not undervalue the efforts which have been made, and are still being made in this direction, yet I must say that I have far less confidence in such efforts, than I have in the benevolence which prompts them. Agricultural pursuits are not, as I think, suited to our condition. The reason of this is not to be fund so much in the occupation (for it is a [Illegible] and noble one,) as in the people themselves. That is only a remedy, which can be applied to the case; and the difficulty in the agricultural pursuits as a remedy for the evils of poverty and ignorance amongst us, is that it cannot, for various reasons, be applied.

We cannot apply it, because it is almost impossible to get colored men to go on the land. From some cause or other, (perhaps the adage that misery loves company will explain,) colored people will congregate in the large towns and cities; and they will endure almost any amount of hardship and privation rather than separate and go into the country. Again, very few have the means to set up for themselves, or to get where they could do so.

Another consideration against expending energy in this direction is our want of self-reliance. Slavery, more than all things else, robs its victims of self-reliance. To go into the western wilderness, and there to lay the foundation of future society, requires more that important quality than a life of slavery has left us. This may sound strange to you, coming, as it does, from a colored man; but I am dealing with facts; and these never accommodate themselves to the feelings or wishes of any. They don't ask, but take leave to be. It is a fact then, and not less so because I wish it were otherwise, that the colored people are wanting in self-reliance—too fond of society—too eager for immediate results—and too little skilled in mechanics or husbandry to attempt to overcome the wilderness; at least, until they have overcome obstacles less formidable.— Therefore I look to other means than agricultural pursuits for the elevation and improvement of colored people. Of course, I allege this of the many. There are exceptions. Individuals amongst us, with commendable zeal, industry, perseverance and self reliance, have found, and are finding, in agricultural pursuits, the means of supporting, improving and educating their families.

The plan which I contemplate will (if carried into effect,) greatly increase the number of this class—since it will prepare others to meet the rugged duties which a pioneer agricultural condition must impose upon all who take it upon them. What I propose is intended simply to prepare men for the work of getting an honest living—not out of dishonest men—but out of an honest earth.

Again, there is little reason to hope that any considerable number of the free colored people will ever be induced to leave this country, even if such a thing were desirable. The black man, (un-like the Indian,) loves civilization. He does not make very great progress in civilization himself, but he likes to be in the midst of it, and prefers to share its most galling evils, to encountering barbarism. Then the love of the country—the dread of isolation —the lack of adventurous spirit—and the thought of seeming to desert their “brethren in bonds,” are a powerful and perpetual check upon all schemes of colonization, which look to the removal of the colored people, without the slaves. The truth is, dear Madam, we are here, and here we are likely to remain. Individuals emigrate—nations never. We have grown up with this Republic; and I see nothing in our character, or even in the character of the American people, as yet, which compels the belief that we must leave the United States. If, then, we are to remain here, the question for the wise and good is precisely that you have submitted to me—and that which I fear I have been, perhaps, too slow in answering—namely, what can be done to improve the condition of the free colored people of the United States? The plan which I humbly submit in answer to this inquiry, (and in the hope that it may find favor with you, dear Madam, and with the many friends of humanity who honor, love, and co-operate with you,) is the establishment in Rochester, N. Y.— or in some other part of the United States, equally favorable to such an enterprise—of an Industrial College, in which shall be taught several important branches of the mechanic arts. This college to be open to colored youth. I will pass over, for the present, the details of such an institution as that I propose. It is not worth while that I should dwell upon these at all. Once convinced that something of the sort is needed, and the organizing power will be forthcoming. It is the peculiarity of your favored race that they can always do what they think necessary to be done. I can safely trust all details to yourself. And to the wise and good people whom you represent in the interest you take in my oppressed fellow- countrymen.

Never having myself had a day's schooling all my life, I may not be expected to be able to map out the details of a plan so comprehensive as that involved in the idea of a college. I repeat then, I leave the organization and administration to the superior wisdom of yourself and the friends that second your noble efforts. The argument in favor of an Industrial College, (a college to be conducted by the best men, and the best workmen, which the mechanic arts can afford—a College where colored youth can be instructed to use their hands, as well as their heads— where they can be put in possession of the means of getting a living—whether their lot in after life may be cast among civilized or uncivilized upon—whether they choose to stay here, or prefer to return to the land of their fathers,) is briefly this—prejudice against the free colored people in the United States has shown itself nowhere so invincible as [Illegible] mechanics. The [Illegible] must cherish no feeling so bitter as that cherished by these. The latter would starve us out of the country entirely. At this moment I can more easily get my son into a lawyer's office, to study law than I can into a blacksmith's shop, to blow the bellows, and to wield the sledgehammer. Denied the means of learning useful trades, we are pressed into the narrowest limits to obtain a livelihood. In times past we have been the hewers of wood and the drawers of water for American society, and we once enjoyed a monopoly in menial employments, but this is so no longer—even these employments are rapidly passing away out of our hands. The fact is (every day begins with the lesson, and ends with the lesson,) that colored men must learn trades—must find new employments, new modes of usefulness to society—or that they must decay under the pressing wants to which their condition is rapidly bringing them. We must become mechanics—we must build, as well as live in houses—we must make, as well as use furniture—we must construct bridges, as well as pass over them—before we can properly live, or be respected by our fellow-men. We need mechanics, as well as Ministers. We need workers iron, wood, clay, and in leather. We have orators, authors and other professional men; but these reach only a [Illegible] get respect for our race in certain select [Illegible]. To live here as we ought, we must fasten ourselves to our countrymen through their every day and cardinal wants. We must not only be able to black boots but to make them. At present, we are unknown in the Northern States, as mechanics. We give no proof of genius or skill at the County, the State, or the National Fairs. We are unknown at any of the great exhibitions of the industry of our fellow-citizens—and being unknown, we are unconsidered.

The fact that we make no show of our ability, is held conclusive of our inability to make any. Hence, all the indifference and contempt, with which incapacity is regarded, fall upon us, and that too, when we have had no means of disproving the injurious opinion of our natural inferiority. I have, during the last dozen years, denied, before the Americans, that we are an inferior race. But this has been done by arguments, based upon admitted principles, rather than by the presentation of facts. Now, firmly believing, as I do, that there are skill, invention power, industry, and real mechanical genius among the colored people, which will bear favorable testimony for them, and which only need the means to develop them, I am decidedly in favor of the establishment of such a college as I have mentioned. The benefits of such an institution would not be confined to the Northern States, nor to the free colored people: they would extend over the whole Union. The slave, not less than the freeman, would be benefitted by such an institution. It must be confessed that the most powerful argument, now used by the Southern slaveholders—and the one most soothing to his conscience—is, that derived from the low condition of the free colored people at the North. I have long felt that too little attention has been given, by our truest friends, in this country, to removing this stumbling block out of the way of the slave's liberation.

The most telling, the most killing refutation of slavery, is the presentation of an industrious, enterprising, upright, thrifty and intelligent free black population. Such a population, I believe, would rise in the Northern States, under the fostering care of such a College as that supposed.

To show that we are capable of becoming mechanics, I might adduce any amount of testimony; but dear Madam, I need not ring the changes on such a proposition.—There is no question in the mind of any unprejudiced person, that the negro is capable of making a good mechanic. Indeed, even those who cherish the bitterest feelings towards us have admitted that the apprehension that negroes might be employed in their stead, dictated the policy of excluding them from trades altogether; but I will not dwell upon this point, as I fear I have already trespassed too long upon your precious time, and written more than I ought to expect you to read. Allow me to say, in conclusion, that I believe every intelligent colored man in America will approve and rejoice at the establishment of some such institution as that now suggested. There are many respectable colored men, fathers of large families, having boys nearly grown up, whose minds are tossed by day and by night, with the anxious enquiry, what shall I do with my boys? Such an institution would meet the wants of such persons. Then, too, the establishment of such an institution would be in character with the eminently practical philanthropy of your transatlantic friends.—America could scarcely object to it, as an attempt to agitate the public mind on the subject of slavery, or to “dissolve the Union.” It could not be tortured into a cause for hard words by the American people: but the noble and good of all classes would see in the effort an excellent motive, a benevolent object, temperately, wisely, and practically manifested.

Wishing you, dear Madam, renewed health [Illegible]