Chapter V:
Racial Opinion in America
In a country which is so largely governed by public opinion as is America the sources of that opinion concerning the problems of immigration are of vital importance. To deal with so complex a national situation and so profound an international situation requires an intelligent and united opinion in America. This can be acquired only by uniting the racial and native born thought in this country. We cannot claim such unity of opinion at this time, for our past immigration policies and the effects of the war have divided opinion among the many races; even as they have separated their economic and social interests.
The character and quality of the racial opinion, which is expressed in America in forty- two languages by thirty- six racial groups, with as different heritages and experiences as their number implies, is of the utmost importance in the state of national and international affairs. The powerful racial publications and organizations provide this opinion with a means of formal expression which makes it a power in American public affairs.
What, then, is the character of this public opinion among our foreign born people? The immigrant in America does not originate it so much as he receives and propagates it; for he has not the leisure, contact, nor knowledge with which to form independent judgments. He is disposed to see things from the old world standpoint and not from the American point of view. This is often due to his previous education, habits of mind and accepted dogmas. He, therefore, turns more readily to his racial leaders and is reluctant to accept the judgments of American public opinion. It thus becomes a matter of the greatest importance to promote a feeling of reciprocal good will among the various races and of general good will toward America, and to integrate racial opinion so that the American point of view will prevail.
The way in which various racial minds react to American opinion is the guide to racial assimilation in a country, such as America, where it is possible to have such a free and fair exchange of opinion, and where a press has the opportunity to express the thought of its own race and to benefit by that of so many other races.
If the foreign language press, which is the medium for this expression, is to be of value in American affairs, it should not necessarily reflect American opinion, but it should express the most intelligent opinion of the people for whom it speaks. Thus this press would offer to America an invaluable index to the state of mind of the immigrant and to his needs, just as it would offer an invaluable aid to Americanism. But in any event, American public opinion should be the uniting judgment among all of the various racial opinions and the final test in determining the constructive and permanent value of racial opinion to American life. If the tone of this press is largely one of protest, we should regard this attitude as a matter for serious thought. If it is hypercritical, we should ascertain the reason. If it tends to discuss old world affairs, to promote old world theories, to the exclusion of American affairs, we may inquire if the facts regarding America are sufficiently at its disposal. If it places too great an emphasis upon factional differences and racial antagonisms, Americans then may be concerned lest only the tenor of the discussions in Europe is being reflected in this country.
What are the needs which this press supplies, and the state of mind which it seeks to interpret? The immigrant, when he reaches America, is no longer amenable to the form of public opinion which has hitherto influenced him in his mental processes and affairs. The transition from the simple life of the peasant to that of the factory worker, from the country dweller to that of the crowded city, and from family associations to those of the "strangers' hive" is a wrench to the old associations that played so important a part in his former life.
Even when these transitions are safely made, and when the immigrant is, through his first job, on the way to success the need of expression in some other way than work must be met. It is not enough that interesting things are happening to himself; he must tell them to others and must know how they, too, are succeeding. The immigrant instinctively seeks some medium of thought through which to satisfy his thirst for knowledge and news because he is inarticulate in any language but his own, and because he is in the midst of many strange customs and habits of thought. In a place where ideas and events crowd so fast, he feels much safer and happier when he finds, in print, a sympathetic interpretation or statement of the everyday affairs of life. Otherwise, his new experiences perplex him, the rush of city life oppresses him, and the very freedom of thought and liberty of expression extended to him sometimes tend to unbalance his judgment and to warp the perspective of his own rights and of his corresponding duties in the new country.
Then, too, isolated as he often is from Americans and American life, shut in villages, camps or colonies, he is likely to have a distorted point of view. It is at this time that he needs help to secure a firmer hold upon the higher things of life, which, because of his absence from family, friends and church, may have been lessened. He needs to be reminded that his aspirations are not necessarily reflected by the glare of a furnace or confined to the ugliness of an average American industrial town. He needs to be freed from racial animosities which cater to purely selfish interests, for they but tend to cause him to brood over fancied wrongs that incite to hatred, violence and revenge. Under such conditions he must have some center of thought and of expression to help him to form his opinions and to steady his reactions. This his foreign language press may supply, and may contribute greatly to his choice to become to America an economic asset or liability, a wanderer or a settler, a tower of strength or a source of weakness.
If this press is important because it holds the immigrant steady in the new country, it is equally important in keeping his family and friends in touch with what is happening to him and in bringing tidings to him from home. All of the news concerning marriages, deaths, births, and social events and the happenings to his friends in the old country, cannot be written in the occasional letter which he receives; nor does personal news in a letter impress his family and friends in the old country so much as when read from a newspaper clipping.
The foreign language press performs another service for the immigrant. It is not unusual for the immigrant who comes to America to have a capacity for appreciation of a high standard of literature and art, which are part of his heritage from an older civilization. Very often, the only things within his reach are the newspapers and the magazines in his own language, the publishers of which, understanding these capacities, feature subjects—music, literature, art and the drama—in a way which will appeal to him. At the same time, he is curious to know about American literature, art and humor; and to find a way to incorporate their benefits into his own life. Because the foreign language editor cannot satisfy this latter desire, the immigrant subscribes, even before he can read English, to profusely illustrated American journals, and through their pictures derives his first conception of American ideals and life; his impression of public men; and his knowledge of American affairs. If his first introduction to the English language press is by way of the comic supplement, or through the sheets which picture the underworld or which ridicule and disparage a more representative America, then it is important that his former standards be maintained through the foreign language press until such time as he can read the more representative journals of America.
The immigrant and his press in America have also interracial problems to meet. Races which lived apart in Europe and which have dealt at arm's length with each other, largely through diplomatic channels, are required to live and to work side by side in this country. For the first time they as individuals express to each other their beliefs and feelings. In doing so, it may be that they recall centuries of misunderstandings, and even feuds which have existed between their races. It is, somewhat of a new experience for men whose native countries may be at war, to talk things over among themselves instead of communicating through the more formal diplomatic channels to which they have so long been accustomed.
For instance, there are differences to harmonize between races which have their origin in international affairs, and which no English language press can understand. There are rumors to be verified or disproved in order to insure interracial tolerance. There is the respect of one race for another to be promoted. At the same time, there may be race riots to be prevented, there may be factions to be healed; there may be rival organizations to be satisfied; and many animosities within the same race to be overcome. There are events concerning Fiume, Russinia, Macedonia and Danzig to be handled, editorially and as news, in the same publication to the satisfaction of its readers, who may comprise revolutionists, socialists, independents, royalists and conservatives.
The immigrant also needs to express his approval or disapproval of events in his home country of which he still considers himself a vital part, while he is deprived of political representation in the new country in which he has not yet had time or inclination to become a citizen. Because he neither understands nor is interested in American political affairs, he needs information and American interpretation of the meaning of many events abroad, concerning which the native- born American is indifferent.
This may be illustrated by Albanian and Chinese publications in America.
"The cornerstone of the Albanian national movement in the United States was laid in 1906 by a native of the province of Korcha and a graduate of the University of Athens. In a dark basement of a dingy Hudson Street, Boston, Mr. ——started in that year the publication of a weekly newspaper Kombi, with the proceeds of his own manual labor— he was a factory worker at the time because of his ignorance of the English language— and with some voluntary contributions made by a handful of Albanians. The people to whom he sent the newspaper gratis at the beginning, wondered what it was for; they not only had never seen any Albanian newspaper, but they also were entirely illiterate. Consequently Mr. ——, who was at that time editor, publisher, manager and printer, was obliged to go and explain in person what the shabby sheet of paper meant to be. Out of 5,000 Albanians who were estimated to have been in the United States at that time, not twenty persons could read or write. Today their number exceeds 15,000; most of them have never attended school, and have learned to read and write with the help of the spelling- book and the newspapers which they set to studying during the hours of rest following their hard daily work."
In describing a foreign language publication of one of the older races, a New York journal recently said:
"Ever hear of a newspaper without presses, with a staff of several thousand reporters, no city editor, no linotypers, no compositors, and not a single paid employee? There is one right here in this city and its circulation is one copy. It requires no delivery, costs even its admirers nothing, and has been in existence for the past twenty years. Some night when you are down that way, pay particular attention to the jumble of Chinese characters that are written on red paper and then pasted on the walls along Mott Street. That is it. When a news story "breaks" the first person who learns of the story gets out his brush and red paper and writes it, or rather draws it, on the red sheets, or anything else that may be handy, even the bare wall during the present paper shortage, and pastes it up for his neighbors' benefit. If the story is authentic, it is said, the informer is permitted to paste an advertisement of his wares beside it. It is the official organ of Chinatown, and at times holds the attention of crowds of the Orientals, who line the street four deep."
But if the immigrant, in America, needs some form of personal, racial, and international expression in order to contribute the best he and his race have to offer to American life, this country too needs some form of expression so it may absorb to the fullest extent this contribution. In order that the immigrant may be able to think in American terms, it is necessary that he have a knowledge of American institutions, of the language, of the ideals, and aims of the country. In order that the immigrant may judge intelligently of American current events, it is necessary that he have a knowledge of the manners, habits, and customs of its people. In order that the immigrant may propagate American opinion throughout his own racial group, it is necessary that he acquire a knowledge of the views of the majority and of the types of thought and speech which have come to prevail. In order that the immigrant may receive recognition that his contribution is a force in the formation of American public opinion, it is necessary that he have some American center of thought or circle of native born friends by which to test and correct his own impressions and interpretations before he gives them final expression.
To meet the needs of the immigrant, and to make his individual and racial contribution available to America, and to interpret America to the foreign born—this is the opportunity and privilege of the foreign language press. What is there to lead Americans to believe that this high privilege is appreciated, and that the opportunity is being used to the fullest extent?
If numbers and variety alone could give the answer, there could be no question of its nature. The circulation of this press is estimated to be approximately 10,000,000 copies; it includes 147 daily newspapers; 863 weeklies and semi- weeklies, and 240 monthlies or semimonthlies. Of these, 898 are essentially newspapers; 122 are general magazines, 155 are religious publications, and 75 are commercial publications. This circulation is divided among 36 races as follows: Albanian, 4; Armenian, 17; Assyrian, 5; Bohemian, 74; Bulgarian, 3; Carpatho-Russian, 3; Chinese, 8; Croatian, 15; Dutch, 20; Danish and Norwegian, 69; Esthonian, 2; Flemish, 3; Finnish, 32; French, 39; German, 269; Greek, 20; Italian, 185; Japanese, 15; Jewish, 35; Lettish, 3; Lithuanian, 21; Magyar, 42; Polish, 83; Portuguese, 17; Roumanian, 8; Russian, 13; Serbian, 6; Slovenian, 13; Slovak, 36; Spanish, 109; Swedish, 61; Syrian, 8; Ukranian, 8; Uhro-Russian, 5; Wendish, 1.
That this press has, to a great extent, satisfied the needs of the immigrant is shown by the fact that its growth and variety have kept pace with the progress of the racial groups in America. The general magazine supplemented the newspaper; later, the class magazine for religion, art and for the family, found a place. The religious press alone has grown to considerable proportions and now circulates among 11,000,000 members of 26,000 churches, where foreign languages are used. From time to time new periodicals have appeared; until now practically every nationalist society has it own publication, and in some cases has its press.
With the entrance of the racial groups, through their various organizations, into international commerce, trade and commercial magazines have been added to the ever- increasing variety of racial publications. The rapid growth, since the war, of this character of publication illustrates in a forceful way the drift of the immigrant's mind away from industrial and toward commercial enterprises.
Even the almanac, which is a survival of the home land, has followed the races to America, and must be included in order to gauge accurately the range of this press. It is profusely illustrated, often in colors, which adds greatly to its popularity. It still retains much of its authority, due to the mass of useful information which it contains, concerning historical events, customs, holidays and other matters of racial interest. Wherever solidarity is strongest, the almanac has found a place, and several million copies of such publications are printed each year, which means that there is one in nearly every household of the more recently arrived immigrants.
A recent development in the racial publication field has been the printing of racial magazines in the English language. Sometimes this has been done under the direction of racial leaders and sometimes under the direction of native Americans, or of both. There has been one unique experiment, where a magazine, The Day's Work, containing American material, as well as racial material, was published in foreign languages by native Americans, in collaboration with racial leaders. This magazine aimed to be a vehicle for the best thought in American life, as well as for the best thought in the life of each race.
Since the armistice was signed, a new kind of interracial magazine, international in its character, has appeared. This is in the form of a mutual review, of which the best illustration is La France, published in America. This magazine aims to introduce French thought and culture to America; and the proposed La Revue Americaine which is intended to be a companion magazine to La France will presently be published in France, to perform a like service for American thought and invention.
With the extension of our commercial relations among races that speak different languages, translations are coming to play a much larger part in the formation of American public opinion. Through translations, there is opened a whole new world of thought and activity to every race, by which each may become familiar with the history, traditions and achievements of the other. The necessity for such interracial knowledge is leading to the establishment of publishing houses, where the art of translations is receiving increasing attention. Sometimes this service, which is most necessary to both the formation of public opinion and to business development, is attached to the foreign language press; and sometimes it is a separate "polyglot" printing house which translates catalogues, educational books and commercial documents.
Here, then, is a network of publications which embraces daily and weekly papers, weekly and monthly magazines, journals of societies, almanacs, commercial magazines and books which are printed for racial groups wholly in foreign language or partly or wholly in the English language. This press has an enormous power to form racial public opinion in America, for it reaches into the farthest recesses of Europe as readily as it does into the smallest hamlets of America. It is the main line of communication between nationals wherever they may be, and is the very center of the racial economic system in America.
At present, it occupies a place no English language publications can fill, because in certain important respects it is supplemental to them. This is shown by the fact that in the present imperfect stage of assimilation, many immigrants, after they have learned to read English, continue to take their racial publications in addition to an English language newspaper. This continued dependence by the immigrant upon his racial press is due to the many differences which exist between it and the English language press.
It differs in the greater amount of space which it gives to foreign affairs, in which immigrants are naturally more interested than are the Americans; and also in the emphasis placed on racial news and events. It differs in the way it features the old world culture of a particular race—its music, art, drama and literature. It differs in the personal relationship which exists between editor and reader—a relationship which is expressed in the great number of inquiries from his readers, which are answered by the editor himself—and by his association with his readers in racial societies, celebrations, business and public affairs. It differs in its editorial policy, the racial editor in many instances not having as yet, divorced the news from the editorial columns. And finally, the foreign language press differs from the English language press in the character of its distribution, which is national, even with the smallest publication.
When we consider the variety and number of the publications, with their millions of subscribers, it appears that, so far as the readers are concerned, it is supplying their needs for personal, racial and international expression. But it is much more of a question if this press has enabled the immigrant individually or his race collectively to contribute their best to American life or to interpret American life to them. To what extent has this press helped the immigrant to think like an American, to judge American events from an American, as well as a racial, background? To what extent has it propagated American public opinion among its readers and secured for them American recognition of their contribution to American thought? These questions are to be judged first by the kind of American material which is contained in the editorials, news and advertising columns of this press.
If we take as illustrations from the many racial groups, publications which are typical of the various attitudes, we find the following to be the situation:
Among the Hungarian newspapers in America, one-third of the space is devoted to advertising, one- sixth to news items of Hungarians in America, and one- sixth to news of other countries, one- twelfth to politics of Hungary and one- twelfth to American politics, the rest, or one- sixth, to news from Hungary. In one of the more important Hungarian papers, as much as 25% of the space is devoted to home country matters and 45% to matters affecting Hungarians in the United States. The topics which chiefly occupy the editorial page are: home country politics, the presidential campaign in the U. S., the peace treaty, and after- war conditions at home, such as exchange and cost of living and immigration.
Among the Greek newspapers, fully one- half is devoted to advertising, one- fourth to political questions in Greece, most of it in news form, and less than one- sixteenth to the politics of the United States, and three-sixteenths to news of Greeks in the United States. The topics which have occupied the editorial pages have related chiefly to differences of Greeks in America over the political question in Greece, the peace treaty and after the war relations with Turkey, Armenia and the Allies.
Among the Rumanian newspapers, the proportion of space is reported to be 70% to Rumanian matters in the home country and the remainder to American affairs. The five topics which have occupied the most space on the editorial pages have been the following: Propaganda to keep alive the numerous mutual aid societies; educational and other advantages of living in the United States; criticism of communism and anarchism, frequently based on reports from other journals; quarrels with other Rumanian- American papers, chiefly over the "attitudes" of the "intellectual" and "labor" papers.
Among the Jewish newspapers, the reverse is true of the proportion of space given to American matters; fully 75% deals with America and American news and only about one- fourth to news of Jews abroad. The five topics which of late have occupied most of the editorial pages have been in the order named: American politics, immigration, racial questions in this country, racial questions abroad, labor and capital. In Socialist Jewish papers the discussion of labor matters is of first importance. Before the political campaign began, the other non- Socialist papers dealt with current questions much as do the English language papers.
Among the Russian newspapers, not quite one- half of the space is devoted to advertising, a little more than one- fourth to the life of the Russians in the United States, about a third to Russian news from Russia and about a sixth to international news. On the political situation twice as much space is given to conditions in Russia, as compared to the conditions in this country. The five subjects which have occupied the editorial pages chiefly in recent months have been the civil war in Russia, the Allied distribution of territory among the different countries (this is the main topic in the Ukrainian and Carpatho- Russian papers), the immigration problem, especially ways and means of returning to Russia, and lastly, various educational activities among the immigrants. Among the most important papers, fully 40% of the editorials and news are on international matters, 35% on home country matters and 25% on American matters. The conservative papers give more American news, the radical, more international news.
Among the Scandinavian newspapers, about half of the space is given to advertising, one- fifth to fiction and features, especially on literary and agricultural topics, 13% to American news, 10% to Scandinavian news, 4% to international items, a little more than 1% to Scandinavian politics and 2% to the presidential campaign. Earlier in the campaign, however, they devoted three times as much to American politics and a similar increase of space is made when extraordinary political events occur in the home countries.
This press is also to be judged by the part it takes in interpreting to its readers American political affairs. An examination of the interest taken in American political affairs shows that out of 1234 publications which were analyzed in 1919, 7% were reported to be Republican, 4% were reported to be Democratic, 4% to be Socialist, 40% to be independent, and 45% to be non- political in character. Of the 767 publications which might properly have taken a party interest in American political affairs, less than one- half of them have taken any such definite political stand.
At first sight it would seem an advantage to have many independent publications among the foreign born people, but, upon further analysis, it is found that this, in great part, is but an expression of indifference toward or ignorance of American affairs, with a corresponding interest and intelligence concerning the affairs of the native country. This indifference and ignorance are due, primarily, to the fact that the interests of the readers, who are largely non- citizens, lie elsewhere. The nature of American political campaigns is partly to blame for this. So far as this press is concerned, the discussion of American political doctrines is usually compressed into a few short months, and during the rest of the time the immigrant reader is left to himself or to his district leader. Therefore, for a few months, this press may be for this candidate or for that, for one measure or for another; but for twelve months of the year its interest is in the politics of its native country. For instance, the really bitter strife that prevailed in the early fall of 1920 between the two leading Greek publications in New York, was not over the election of a president of the United States, but over the question whether King Constantine should be returned to the Greek throne; and over this contention the two factions organized meetings and carried on for months extensive propaganda. So bitter was the controversy that the Venezelist printers on the royalist publication struck because a picture of the king was printed in the paper—a thing quite unknown in American journalism. The burning question among the Albanians in America has not been about the high cost of living, nor about the attributes of American liberty but whether Albania should be independent, or whether Southern Albania should be united to Greece, or whether all of Albania should be joined to Italy.
If it is true, as is so often alleged, that a considerable part of the opinion of this press can be bought, it is well to remember that its publishers are not necessarily more venal than others, but through the indifference of its editors to American affairs, and through their political interests, which so often lie elsewhere, they believe that the acceptance of money which ultimately helps to secure freedom for their home countries is an end which justifies the means. Funds collected for relief purposes to be used abroad have been known to be diverted to political uses and, without discussing the ethics of this practice, it is clear, in the last analysis, that the immigrant and, therefore, his press, really cares more to see the land returned to his compatriots than he does to provide for the immediate comforts of relatives in the home country. If the facts were known we might very well find that in the past year as much money has been raised from immigrants to be used for political propaganda abroad as has been sent for relief purposes. This is understandable, for not every man has the call of a dependent upon him but every man will respond to the call of freedom within him.
When some of these editors have been asked why they have taken no more interest in American political affairs, they have replied that they preferred to take no position upon questions which they knew so little about, or concerning which they had so little opportunity to discuss with Americans, or facilities to obtain exact information. They say they have neither the time nor the facilities, much less the resources, to acquire the knowledge and point of view essential to interesting their readers in American political events. They admit that they are content to be weather vanes on American political affairs, while they aspire to be advocates on home country politics. Where American political education is undertaken, as is the case in the Socialist papers and in some of the leading dailies, it has been a powerful factor in forming public opinion among the immigrants, and in interpreting to them American political thought and events.
In the third place, this press is to be judged by its reaction to the Americanization movement. In judging Americanization, in the light of the cooperation it has received from the foreign language press, it should be noted that both the choice of this name and in many cases the methods of the work have antagonized the editors. They have come to believe that this movement meant that Americans wished them to forget their language, homeland and heritage. This fear has been stimulated by racial propagandists and some racial business men who saw danger to their own prosperity in the Americanization of aliens, and should Americanization receive too much prominence, threatened the editors with a withdrawal of advertising.
But granting all this, fundamental reasons still remain for the foreign language press being on the whole indifferent or opposed to Americanization. Some of its editors believe that to teach the foreign born the English language will in time make their publications less prosperous and perhaps unnecessary. They believe that to encourage the alien to become a citizen will have a tendency to lessen his inclusion in the racial economic system and eventually will put him in touch largely with American groups. They see in his growing knowledge of America and interest in its affairs a lessening of the demand for foreign information and of the services in which they now specialize. They see in the increased demand for American goods and in the use of American banks, a possible decrease in advertising of a racial character. In this attitude of self- preservation, they are not cordial to Americanization advertising which includes teaching the English language and urging naturalization, even when such movements pay for space in the advertising columns. Thus, there has crept into much of this press a supercilious attitude toward the American and a desire to make light of Americanization; while at the same time they have cooperated in giving publicity to government information, as from the Foreign Language Service of the American Red Cross, for they have regarded this information as important in its effect upon the racial point of view. On the contrary, other editors see prosperity in a bilingual publication and are publishing considerable material in the English language; they see greater permanency to their circulation if the foreign born become citizens; for then they think they will be more likely to remain in America. In trying to meet the immigrant's widening American interests, they see a possibility of keeping their readers from growing away from them. They see a future prosperity for themselves in publishing articles on American history, literature and American ideas, quite as much as in selling racial material.
It has not, however, been easy for the foreign language press, even when it was willing to do so, to undertake Americanization work. It has had to remember that many of its readers were not in favor of it, and that the financial success of the paper depended upon its furnishing what its readers desired. It has received but little encouragement from the American, who is more bent upon suppressing than he is upon using this press. It has received but little advertising support from American advertisers, to take the place of the revenue which it was likely to lose from racial interests which are unsympathetic to Americanization. In the face of all this, however, there are many publications which have been genuine and loyal pioneers in their efforts to interpret America to the foreign born as the following shows:
"The Czecho-Slovak press in the United States published in 1919 upwards of 520 releases from United States Government departments issued by the Czecho-Slovak Bureau of the Foreign Language Government Information Service and have cooperated wholeheartedly in every effort to provide its readers with authentic and dependable information about the various government activities. Practically every representative of the Czecho-Slovak press now has from one to ten columns devoted to information articles in the English language."
That the foreign language press has to some extent failed to do all that its opportunity warranted and that its power permitted, is scarcely an argument for its elimination, for in the causes for its failure there is hope that it may yet serve a great purpose in American affairs. If the influence of this press has been used to emphasize European affairs too much, it is partly because, in this respect, it has had an uncontested field. If its interpretation of foreign affairs has seemed to lessen the attention paid to American affairs, it is partly because it has followed the lines, not only of inclination, but of least resistance. If it has seemed to encourage racial animosities, and if its editorial and news columns have been used to disparage other races in America, it may be that the leaven of Americanism has not yet been sufficiently, nor very intelligently, applied. If it has seemed to ridicule Americanization, and has taken a supercilious attitude toward America, it is just possible that Americanization has not been undertaken in the best way. If it has sometimes seemed to be lax in upholding law and order, it may be that the American has stood too aloof to have his own unmistakable attitude understood. And where there is evidence that a part of this press stands in opposition to American institutions and beliefs, it may be said, finally, that it is the American's responsibility, and not the alien's, to unify public opinion and to have American public opinion prevail among all people in this country.
There appears to be reason to trust the potentiality of this press for the assimilation of immigration, even though it has in the past so often fallen short. If the war can be taken as a test, much to its credit are the millions of dollars raised in war funds, as are also the stabilization of foreign born labor during a period of abnormal production, the steadiness maintained among races throughout the onslaughts of Bolshevist propaganda and its contribution to law and order. Much to its discredit, however, are the utterances of disloyal publications, and the promotion of Bolshevist and other radical doctrines. As a matter of fact, a large majority of such utterances are confined to a small percentage of this press. A hopeful sign is the fact that the moderate leaders of this press are so firmly in command that the I.W.W. and Communists, since they have been unable to control or to buy the established journals, have had to begin the publication of new journals in order to carry on their propaganda.
This policy of moderation has been maintained since the war, notwithstanding the lack of confidence accorded to this press by the American public, and the lack of support from American business and from the American government. As an illustration, the government called upon this press to support the war, and regarded as disloyal papers which did not contribute a considerable amount of free space. When the war was over and the government disposed, through paid advertising, of its surplus war supplies, appropriations were denied to this press on the ground that such action might be considered to be a recognition of its existence. It is unfortunate that so little distinction has been made between loyal and disloyal papers, and that suspicion and denunciation have become general, the immediate effect of which has been further to isolate racial from American opinion.
This loss of confidence by Americans is due, in no small measure, to the character of the personnel of the editors. Among them are to be found the fanatic and the zealot, the propagandist and the scientist, the patriot and the profiteer, the workingman and the capitalist, the honest man and the crook. They include distinguished scholars and travelers, as well as men who are without education or training. It has among its leaders men who are devoted to the promotion of the highest causes, as well as men who can be bought and sold for this cause or for that campaign. There are among them those to whom hatred, untruth, and vituperation are anathema; as there are others whose every utterance seems to spread poisonous thought among their readers. With so wide a variation in personnel—too wide to secure to this press the measure of confidence which its great responsibility and opportunity deserve—there is likely to be, in time of disturbance, just reasons for distrust and suspicion.
Another cause of distrust is to be found in the character of the activities of its first trade organization. The idea of the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers, Inc., was conceived by a native American. He placed a foreign born salesman in charge of it who was without a peer in his field, and who became its president. The foreign language press seems to have paid a heavy price for its membership in this trade organization. What the publishers gained by meeting a few Americans at public dinners, through increased advertising, which they could not have secured without outside help; and through recognition from Americans by invitations to participate in some of their public affairs was evidently offset, to a considerable extent, by the business methods employed by the Association and by its first president. As members of the organization, they printed, among other things, its membership seal in their publications, which stamped their approval upon things about which they knew little or nothing. They attended meetings, with all expenses paid, without knowing their real purpose or how the money was provided for such expenses. When they carried out the orders of the president they were allowed to charge high space rates; and when they refused, the rates were reduced, with little regard to the rights of, or benefits to the advertiser. They found themselves often committed to obligations in regard to which they were never consulted—some of which, be it said to their credit, they refused to perform. A considerable part of this press lived for eight years under as perfect a form of autocracy as could be operated in a free country.
Under the leadership of this Association, many of the foreign language publications performed services and followed methods which brought them into disrepute with American advertisers and advertising agencies as well as with the American public. When war was declared, and the Senate Judiciary Committee made an investigation of the methods of this trade organization and found, among other things, that part of a notorious enemy alien fund had passed through its hands to be used in this press, public resentment turned into a clamor for its total abolition and all foreign language publications were required to obtain permits; or else to publish in two languages all matters dealing with the war and with the government. During the period of the armistice, this clamor increased, and many bills were introduced in Congress, and in the various states to abolish this press.
At this juncture, a group of native Americans, who saw a grave danger in leaving 15,000,000 people without a normal means of expression, bought this trade organization, and placed its management under a control whose Americanism could not be questioned, thus relieving the foreign language press of its former corrupt domination. The new ownership reasoned, that if this press, by legitimate advertising from American sources, could be made self- supporting, then its anti- American elements would slough off, and it would be stimulated to do what the English language press had done through its various associations—clean up its advertising, news, and editorial columns, and effect a separation between the two latter.
In setting about this task, however, the new management soon found that it had encountered the power of the whole racial economic system. For racial reasons, some publishers would not cooperate; for business reasons, some American advertising agencies withheld their support; and for competitive reasons, rival racial advertising agencies disparaged its efforts. And on grounds of prejudice and distrust of this press, generally, the American advertiser offered but little patronage.
The Americanization of this entire press, therefore, remains an aspiration rather than an achievement. Unquestionably, however, there can be no surer way for the rehabilitation of this press in the eyes of the American public than through the adoption by it of sound business principles and organization. This is what the present management of the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers, Inc., is attempting to inaugurate. It is a question whether the foreign language press, as a whole, excepting those journals already operating on sound business methods, can, without American business support, be turned into a first- class American business proposition, in which the following principles will be incorporated: that it must be without subsidies in any form, and wholly self- supporting from revenues derived from legitimate advertising and a bone fide circulation; that this support must come from American, rather than from foreign sources, and must at all times be openly accounted for; that its personnel must include able business men who are citizens and who have constant American contacts; that its management must increasingly include men of unexampled integrity who will handle, to the satisfaction of American advertisers, questions of rates, circulation and service; that its service must include only those practices observed by native American journalism; and, finally, that it assume the responsibility of dealing with the dishonest members in its own profession.
There are some who believe that if American national advertising support is given to this press, it will indefinitely prolong its existence in America. Careful thought has been given to this objection by those who favor this support, who believe their position to be sound. for the following reasons: The foreign language press, as now operated, is not dependent upon American national advertisers. With fewer foreign born people than now, for half a century this press has flourished, without American national advertising support, until to- day, it is not only independent of it, but in some cases, prefers not to take it in competition with racial advertising. For instance, advertisements by American banks which urge that money be invested in America, sometimes are unwelcome, as against those of the racial banker who urges its transmission abroad. Again, this press is commercially valuable to foreign interests which will see that it does not suffer for lack of advertising support. The increase of immigration also renders this press increasingly important to foreign interests, so there is little likelihood of its being seriously handicapped by the withdrawal of native American patronage. When the tide of American public opinion was most unfavorable, it showed not only a resourcefulness which stood the war strain, but it also was able to surmount the difficulties due to the paper shortage. This, in itself, indicates that it does not depend primarily upon Americans for help in crises. These, and like considerations, have led the American advertiser, who patronizes this press, to the conclusion that its feeding by American advertisers, and not its starvation, will further assimilation and will aid American prosperity.
But nothing less than the application of essentially sound American business methods will persuade American business men to pursue such a course on a larger scale. Nothing less will secure to this press American esteem. And, most important of all, nothing less will assure to it the cooperation of the English language press which, on the whole, is now opposed to it and without whose friendship it cannot eventually serve a great purpose.
The American English language press has a rare opportunity to show both its patriotic insight and vision by the recognition of the fact that this foreign language press is supplemental to it. It can show this in a practical way, by favoring the extension of credits to foreign language press publishers, by including this press in advertising campaigns, by placing experts at its disposal to assist it in its business organization, and by inviting its members into conference. But its most important duty beyond all others is to include the reliable publishers of this press in its trade organizations, in order that the foreign born editors may obtain the American point of view.
Even though the English language press, in order to promote a united public opinion, undertakes all of these things, it is doubtful if the foreign language press will realize its potentialities for Americanization unless it is furnished with an American news and feature service which will provide the information which the immigrant seeks about this country. Because there is no such news service, many of these newspapers clip their matter from English language publications or receive it from less responsible sources. There is, therefore, too much prominence given to the commonplace affairs of America like robberies and disturbances, and too little to more important matters. As many of these papers circulate abroad, misconceptions and misinterpretations concerning American customs and institutions are spread among readers in foreign countries to the corresponding disadvantage of America.
Is it too menial a task to set a standard for 10,000,000 readers, many of whom desire to know about America and how Americans do things, and for what they stand? Some Americans think not, and believe that they will see the day when the best leadership in the foreign language press is joined to the best leadership in the English language press, to the enduring benefit of the nation.
Looking to the past, we behold a foreign language press at war within itself, without American guidance and with little American sympathy and support. We see it gifted with opportunity and staggering under a load of responsibility yet led by an indifferent leadership. We see it isolated from American public opinion, with no sympathetic relation to the English language press. We see it floundering along upon an unsound business basis. We see it as a fertile field for propaganda. But with all this, there exist the aspiration of many of its editors to serve the best interests of the great country in which it exists, and upon whose prosperity its own success depends.
Looking into the future, we see the possibilities of this press to interpret a great country to millions of strangers; to keep at peace in one land the fragments of thirty- two races which are more or less at odds with one another in their native lands; to express the racial judgment of their own people, and to integrate it into American public opinion; to further American ideas, trade, and commerce; to improve industrial relations between employers and immigrant workingmen; and to cement international relations through its power over its own racial groups.
It apparently does not possess the leadership to grasp this future. It is, therefore, for the leadership of the American press to disdain to be the instrument of racial prejudice; and to master the entire journalistic field for the best interest of all Americans, whether native or foreign born.