Chapter II:
Immigration Before the War

The American answer to the new immigration questions which have been raised by the war is to be found in the past as well as in the future. As we see new aspects of immigration, we shall continually have to go back over the route by which we have arrived at our present belief and policies, if we would solve these questions by evolutionary and not by revolutionary methods.

"To give room for wandering, is it that the world was made so wide?" The early immigration to America came in this spirit of romance—the leaving of old things for new; the passing from the known to the unknown; the door of opportunity ever widening; the end of the day as fresh as its beginning; and the morrow uncharted—these, as much as the fables of gold, brought the early immigrant to American shores.

Europe, then, speeded the journey to those in search of freedom, adventure, profit, or distinction. America, then, extended a welcome to them upon arrival. Whatever regulations were adopted were for the purpose of protecting the immigrant. Whenever racial antagonisms arose, as they sometimes did, they were discouraged; for, did not America need the immigrant; and did not Europe see opportunities in the new country which would redound to her credit and profit?

For a number of years all went fairly well, for the immigration policies of both Europe and America coincided. Did the ambitious immigrant youth seek a wider field for adventure and opportunity— America supplied the field. Did he seek work and higher wages— American industry supplied the work and wages. Did people flee from political oppression and religious persecution— the American's form of government provided the asylum for them. Did uneasy, discontented subjects seek a new home— the steamship agent was ever ready to arrange for their transportation. In this way, restless spirits in Europe became good pioneers in America; and people hovering between content and discontent or between plenty and starvation became the backbone of American production.

The prosperity which they found in this country soon began to displace the romance which had brought the early immigrants to America. Successful immigrants began to send letters in which they urged their friends and relatives to join them in the new land. When urging failed, money was sent in a further endeavor to induce the people "back home" to emigrate. Every boat to Europe carried travelers who praised America. Business in this country was not slow to see in the prosperity of the immigrants its opportunity and soon the combination banker- steamship ticket agent- job finder appeared. This combination rapidly extended its facilities abroad and, thus, the foundation was laid in America for the present racial economic system.

Economic law, unhampered, governed the transactions of this combination. In these early years, the fluctuation of immigration roughly corresponded to the varying conditions of prosperity. The volume of immigration increased as business expanded and decreased in times of depression. This mobility of immigrant labor fitted admirably into the pioneer character of American industrial needs; and when unemployment appeared Europe re- absorbed the surplus of labor.

In accordance with this situation, practically all of the first century of immigration to America, until 1882, was a pay- as- you- enter and go- as- you- please affair. Immigration was given scant attention and the twelve millions of people who came in during that period entered in the belief that they were welcome. Since they promoted agricultural and industrial development, and since they brought prosperity, few in America questioned their rights to the same privileges as had the native born.

But prosperity brought its penalties. Less and less did the immigrant "cut loose from Europe" and come to America unannounced and unassisted. Less and less did he come without having some one to meet him and to give him a start. But this assistance was not always to his advantage and the improved economic status of the immigrant soon made his exploitation worth while. Many organizations under the pretense of furthering the immigrant's economic interests made their appearance, and so varied became the forms of this exploitation that it soon became necessary for the government to find means for his protection. For this purpose, New York State, in 1847, appointed a Commission on Emigration. Of the rather wide powers which this Commission exercised, an early report said:

"At Castle Garden, after examination of their luggage by the customs officers, the immigrants were transferred to the landing depot, where they were received by officers of the commission, who entered in registers kept for the purpose all particulars necessary for their future identification. The names of those having money, friends, or letters awaiting them were called out, and they were put into immediate possession of their property or committed to their friends, whose credentials first were properly scrutinized. Clerks to write letters for them in European languages and a telegraph operator to forward their dispatches were on hand. The main railway lines had offices there. Brokers were admitted to exchange the foreign money of the immigrant. A physician was always in attendance, and a temporary hospital was located there."

This Commission on Emigration protected immigrants through its power to license immigrant boarding houses and solicitors for immigrant banks. It also exercised the right to examine into the conditions of immigrants, to protect their persons and property against fraudulent practices, and to relieve them from suffering while they were in transit.

Later, this Commission in addition to the interests of the immigrant, safeguarded the interests of the country by the control of infectious diseases, through regulations of the Marine Hospital. When some states began to object to the burden imposed upon them in safeguarding the interests of the immigrant and in maintaining institutions for immigrants who became public burdens, the refusal of New York State to bear the cost of receiving and caring for them brought the matter to the attention of the Federal authorities. On a question of the right of the state to levy a poll tax state control of immigration was declared, in 1876, by the United States Supreme Court, to be within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government; and, in 1882, Congress adopted legislation embodying that principle.

It was at this point that the blunder was made which later laid the foundation for the conditions which the war revealed to Americans. The first Federal law provided for the taxation of incoming immigrants, and also for the exclusion of defectives, the insane, and those likely to become a public charge. It sought merely to remedy the evils of which the states had complained. All of the features of the state laws which provided for the protection and assimilation of the immigrant were omitted.

The Federal law which nationalized immigration did not very clearly define the powers of the nation as distinct from those of the states. Therefore, states which had made provisions for the protection and assimilation of the immigrant immediately dropped such provisions, and he was not only left to shift for himself, but was soon discriminated against. As a result, in fourteen states an alien may not own land, or he may own it only upon condition that he dispose of it within a specified time. In other states he may own a home and acquire real property. In certain states all instruction in the public schools must be in the English language; while in others, it need not be. In nine states an alien may not be employed on public works, and is prohibited even from shoveling snow as a public employee. In Michigan, an alien may not follow the occupation of a barber; in Louisiana, he may not receive any public printing; in Georgia he may not be a peddler; and in Idaho he may not hold a job in any corporation unless he has applied for his first papers. In certain states the family of the alien is not entitled to compensation under the widow's pension law; while in still others, there is discrimination against him under the workmen's compensation law.

The failure of the Federal Government to provide for the protection of the immigrant, not only set a bad example for the states, which some of them soon turned into discrimination, but it also set a bad example for business. For a long time thereafter immigrant workmen received less compensation for injuries than did the native born; they were not so well safeguarded while at work; they were less well housed; and they received very little consideration in welfare work.

Other results of the neglect to include in the Federal law any provisions for the protection and assimilation of immigrants appeared in both America and Europe. In America racial institutions began to thrive. The immigrant bank, the foreign language newspaper, and the employment agency found the immigrant to be a source of great profit. As he was for the most part ignorant of American ways and not suspicious of his compatriots, he willingly gave his patronage to them. One padrone found the combination of furnishing men to employers with the privilege of housing and feeding them so profitable that he was able to leave an estate valued at a million dollars. The owner of a foreign language newspaper advertising agency is reputed to be worth a like amount; and many immigrant bankers and some racial business men are reported to be not less prosperous.

Because of the rumors of the exploitation and hardships which immigrants were encountering in America as a result of these racial activities, and because of the indifference of the American, Europe began to believe that this country was either unable or unwilling to take proper care of its immigrants; so it began to protect its own immigrants. Soon there were established in America immigrant societies and homes which were subsidized by foreign governments. Legal aid societies and information bureaus also appeared; consular officers were given increased authority and larger appropriations; and soon the immigrant began to look for assistance from his racial society and from his home government rather than to the country of his adoption.

The motives of European governments in providing such protection for their immigrants were not entirely disinterested. They saw in the growing racial organizations in America a way to hold the immigrants, many of whom had shown a tendency to forget the land of their birth. They saw a chance to secure their savings for investments abroad. They saw the opportunity to sell foreign goods in America. These things accomplished, they foresaw that, in times of war, when he was most needed, the immigrant would return to his homeland.

And what did the American see? Did he realize that a competitive economic system was arising in America? Did the American realize that his dreams of assimilation were fading away? Not at all. He congratulated himself that he did not have to undertake these responsibilities. He welcomed the racial societies which were organized to look after the welfare of their countrymen, and he assisted in establishing their agencies at Ellis Island. Until 1910, when an organization known as the Immigration Guide and Transfer Service was perfected by a group of American business men, it was chiefly the countrymen of the immigrant who first approached him and who followed him to his destination. It was chiefly his compatriots who protected him from the runners, porters, hackmen, expressmen, bogus money exchangers, and from the grafters who infested the landing place at the Barge Office in New York City. When the immigrant arrived at his final destination, it was the American who helped to establish the immigrant colony across the railroad track and who housed him in a shack in a camp, or in a crowded tenement in the immigrant section. It was the American who employed the padrone; and so long as the immigrant was a good workman, and so long as labor was needed and was plentiful, the American saw no reason to change the situation.

Despite the exploitation which was practiced by some persons and organizations toward the immigrant, the effectiveness of the racial system of protection greatly stimulated immigration. The American became alarmed at the tide of emigration and again turned to legislation for a remedy. In the belief that the law of 1882 had become inadequate, amendments were adopted in 1903, which again changed the policy of America. The negative policy of forgetting about the immigrant was supplemented by the more positive policy of restriction and deportation; and the spirit of welcome was colored by a growing resentment. The idea that America was a haven for oppressed and persecuted people was qualified by the proviso that the immigrant was welcome if he proved to be an economic success. America, from a position of supreme confidence that it could assimilate all immigrants, changed its position to one of defense, and proceeded to dig some economic trenches to protect itself from the immigrant.

The first line trench was the contract labor clause in the Immigration Law. This clause prohibited the importation of common laborers under contract to work. Domestic servants were exempted, and skilled workers could be imported only when it was proved that no excess of labor of a like kind existed at that time. Had this provision recognized the fluidity of common labor, and its amenability to economic law, it would have made provision for the suspension of immigration when it was no longer needed, and for facilitating the return of aliens to the country of their origin. As it was, this legislation demonstrated the futility of political law to alter the inevitable law of supply and demand. The law was evaded in many ways, chiefly by the simple expedient of transferring from America to Europe the activities which had been used to stimulate immigration. Although a premium was placed on vagrancy, immigration still increased, because in its operation the racial economic system remained unimpaired.

Later, a more stringent interference with economic law was attempted. It was made unlawful for any person, association, society, corporation, or steamship company, to solicit, invite or encourage any alien to come to the United States. Had this been enforceable, it would have prevented most of the communication of immigrants with their families in the old world; and, therefore, soon the law became a dead letter.

A second line trench was the passage, in 1917, of the literacy test. It had been vetoed three times, and its passage may be attributed, in part, to the reaction from the European war, although it was not in itself a war measure. Several advantages were claimed for this test of admission. It was said by its supporters that it would reduce the number of undesirable immigrants; that it would promote assimilation, and that it would improve the quality of immigration. Its advocates also claimed that it would increase literacy in Europe, and thus protect American workmen from competition with immigrants who, because of their low standard of living, were in a position to underbid them in the labor market. This test has hardly served as a barrier to immigration, since it has been so easy for the immigrant to comply with the examination as now conducted.

Americans might have remained serenely unconscious that these economic trenches were not serving their original purpose, and that assimilation was not the perfect thing they had imagined it to be, had not the war and the deliberations over peace cast a searchlight over the entire racial situation. Had we not, at same time, determined upon an Americanization movement—valuable to us, not so much for what it has accomplished, as for what it has revealed—we might not have discovered the extent and significance of racial solidarity in American social and economic life.

By racial solidarity we mean that practically every foreign born male adult in America is a member of some local racial society which is social or political in character, and which is of particular benefit to the immigrant. This local society is usually a part of a national society, and in turn this national society may be part of an international body, or a branch of an organization created in the home country. In most of these societies the language of the immigrant predominates and the discussions relate to foreign rather than to American affairs. It was said, just before the war, that there were 300 of these nationalist societies in America with 42,000 locals or branches covering thirty races. Since that time, the Foreign Language Information Service of the American Red Cross estimates the number of such local societies to be 63,000. These organizations influence directly or indirectly the lives of approximately 25,000,000 people, and seventy- five per cent of them are concentrated in the eleven industrial states. Owing to the insurance and service features which many of them have adopted, they are closely allied with immigrant banks, employment agencies, the foreign language press and other racial economic institutions, and, thus, are a part of the racial economic system.

A study of the constitutions of these racial societies shows them to be of three kinds. The first group is almost wholly nationalistic in sentiment and aim, and is interested primarily in the political and economic conditions of its native country. Some of its objects are stated variously to be: "To work for the preservation of language and literature, encouragement and promotion of our national affairs, and to aid the home country in every way in our struggle for liberty"; "to assist in liberating the home country"; "to secure the political independence of the home country"; "to conduct propaganda here and abroad to establish the return to power of the moderates"; "to establish and maintain an independent democratic country."

The second group is concerned primarily with maintaining racial solidarity in America; and some of its objects as stated are: "To awaken love of native language, to render mutual aid and to cherish due esteem and pride in nationality"; "to advance in America the influences and culture of the native land"; "to combine for mutual interest and protection."

The third group is avowedly for America. Some of its constitutions state their objects to be: "to have our proceedings in English, and to urge our members to become American citizens"; "to foster American ideals and love of America"; "to encourage and instruct our members to learn about America." This group has taken the initiative in Americanization work. It purposes to make the English language and American history accessible to its people. It has published many dictionaries, grammars and books on American citizenship and life. It has repeatedly reminded the rank and file of its race that failure to succeed has been due to their own shortcomings. Americanization has been urged countless times in speeches and in publications. Many of these societies belonging to this group conduct their lodge meetings in English and close the meetings by singing American patriotic songs.

The really significant thing about the solidarity of these racial groups is, not that they exist in the heart of American life, but that they are not more generally utilized for the advancement of American interests. That this is a possibility is shown by the willingness with which these organizations, when asked, cooperate with native American movements. Over and over again assurances have been given by them that their meetings are open at any time to speakers for the discussion of American affairs; and yet, we generally ignore the invitation to utilize these natural channels of communication in the interests of Americanism; instead we continually organize expensive meetings, and stage elaborate affairs and functions which the immigrant will not attend. Whenever the approach has been made in the right spirit, the foreign born have shown a desire to meet the native born half way. Thus, whenever classes in English were to be filled, it has been their institutions, assisted by their press, which have been the most effective means of accomplishing this work. Whenever America was to be interpreted to the immigrant, they have proved to be almost the only effective medium for this purpose. As an illustration of the kind of cooperation which America secures from some of these racial organizations, the following excerpt from a report is given:

"It may surprise many Americanizers to know that the most effective, in fact, the only Americanization efforts made among the Czechs, long before the recent hysteria had seized on the native born, were the results of the work of the Czechs themselves. No American took any interest in them except at election time, so, forthwith, they themselves set about learning the first step in the process of becoming 'Americans'. Not fewer than thirty- five English books, interpretations, grammars and dictionaries have been written and published. Series of lessons on the American constitution, and on civics in general have also been prepared and for years our press has devoted columns to articles on the Americanism of leaders like Washington, Franklin, Lincoln and Roosevelt. Practically every masterpiece of American literature—both prose and poetry—has been translated into the Czech language and widely circulated, in the justified belief that the truest knowledge of the nation of Americans can come through intimate acquaintance with its literature. It is noteworthy, too, that the Czecho-Slovak press in the United States published in 1919, upwards of 520 releases from United States Government departments, issued by the Czecho-Slovak Bureau of the Foreign Language Governmental Information Service, and have cooperated whole- heartedly in every effort to provide its readers with authentic and dependable information about activities of government agencies. The official organs of large Czecho-Slovak organizations constantly urge their leaders to learn English, and to take an active part in all community activities. Practically every one of them now has from one to ten pages devoted to information articles in the English language. Most of these organizations open their lodge meetings by urging Americanism."

Had it been possible for these racial groups to have survived in their original form as fraternal and benevolent institutions, America might not have had so complete a racial economic system. But the immigrant, thrown back upon himself through social, political, and educational isolation, naturally turned to his own racial group to avoid economic discrimination. He was in a great measure forced to combine with his fellow countrymen for advancement and protection, because he was shut out from many trades unions and isolated from many American economic institutions. The racial organization was the only existing agency which could be enlarged to meet his broader needs.

Thus we find, largely through our own shortsighted policy, that there exists in America to- day two economic systems; one for the immigrants, under foreign born leadership; and the other for the Americanized immigrant and native born, under native born leadership. Side by side they compete with each other. Each system has its own employment agencies: the one, where English is spoken; the other, where it is not. Each has its own way of handling laborers: the one, through the padrone who houses and feeds the workmen; the other, through boarding houses which are run on American standards. Each has its own shops: the one, where imported articles from Europe predominate; the other, where American products come first. Each system has its own banks: the one, where the savings are transmitted to Europe and where foreign investments are encouraged; the other, where savings become American deposits and are used to purchase American securities. Each has its own societies and press: the one, which preserves the traditions, culture and habits of the race; the other, which furthers the traditions of America. Each has its own trade relations with native countries: the one, which favors the interests of the foreign country and of the race; the other, which favors American trade interests only.

These racial agencies are as perfectly linked together in an economic system as are the parallel American agencies. Though they are far less powerful and resourceful than are the American agencies, yet they possess a greater potential power to influence the economic affairs of their own people. Identity of racial interest has in this way bound together the members of each race as no American interest has ever done for all of the races.

This mobilization by racial organizations of racial resources in America has amazed the old world by its cohesiveness, and by its wealth, its power, and masterful efficiency. The immigrant is met at Ellis Island by a racial missionary who speaks his language; and who, having the advantage of knowing his friends at home, at once establishes cordial relations. The immigrant is then lodged in a hotel where the atmosphere reminds him of his native country. Thus, the impressions which he receives concerning America come to him first through old world memories and experiences. He is next introduced to a padrone who secures work for him under a racial boss. Then the immigrant is taken to a racial colony, he is given a racial newspaper, and through these he is introduced to racial merchants and bankers. During all this time, it rarely has been suggested to him that much of his future success and happiness may depend upon his learning the English language. Thus, in close contact with his own people, he lives his life in America. Should he wish to return to Europe, his racial bankers will arrange for his passage, and his countrymen will in the language of his forefathers, bid him "God- speed." Should fate decree that he should die in America, a racial churchman will officiate at his funeral, his countrymen will attend the obsequies, a racial undertaker will see that he is decently buried, and his family, in time, will receive a check from a racial benefit society.

Americans have found that efforts to bring the racial economic system into closer relation with American life, through discriminatory or restrictive laws, have not been successful; nor has much progress been made through denunciation and repression, for these have but increased racial antagonism. On the other hand, much has been accomplished by cooperation, when that has been possible, and American business is beginning to realize that when that falls, competition is the best alternative.

Many, therefore, believe that it would be a mistake to regard the racial economic system as it exists to- day in this country as an anti- American influence; for it has grown out of the necessities of the immigrant people. But they believe also for a country to maintain for each of the racial solidarities, an economic system which is not integrated at every point with the American system which controls the broad policies of the country, is to perpetuate a situation which is a source of economic waste and weakness. Because this racial economic system vitally affects the amount and kind of immigration to this country, the consumption of American commodities, the destination of savings, the labor supply and turnover, and lastly, the formation of public opinion among millions of immigrants; it should therefore be interwoven inextricably and indistinguishably into the American business system. There are many who believe that the racial system is still in a formative state; and if placed under the direction of native born American leadership, can be made a vital asset to America. They urge, therefore, that no time should be lost in providing such a leadership for a system which comprises an invaluable purchasing power, a vast capacity for assembling savings, a virile labor body, and an intelligence that is capable of accomplishing vast good for America.

The complete integration of the immigrant into American life at each vital point, where he works, where he lives, where he banks his savings and makes his investments, where he buys, where he travels, and in what he reads will meet with powerful resistance. It will be a resistance which will be politic and accommodating, and silent. It will be made by men who, having a strong hold over their countrymen, will fight to retain a racial power which is of such enormous profit to them and to their native country. It will be a resistance backed by a combination of foreign influences, which has no equivalent in American life—influences which are powerfully entrenched and which are to- day operating with great intelligence among the races in this country. These influences work, not so much against America, as in their own interests; for since the war each European nation needs more than ever its own nationals whose success, wherever they may be, is increasingly vital to the rehabilitation of the home country.

To accomplish this integration, conferences should be held between the native and foreign born business groups. This task is by no means so easy as it looks. We have achieved a considerable measure of success in bringing together the native and foreign born in education. We have met with equal success in bringing them together in patriotic and civic affairs. But this task is as nothing compared to the one which business will face, when it undertakes to bring together native and foreign born bankers; racial and American trade and merchants' associations; English and foreign language newspaper editors; and native and foreign born workmen in plants. Difficult as is this task, none other than the American business man can undertake it. Native and foreign born producers, bankers, merchants, and editors must be united before the absorption of this racial economic system, which is too vital to be suppressed, and too powerful to be ignored, can be completed.

But the average American business man is, at present, hardly in the mood for such a task. It is much pleasanter for him to support Americanization campaigns. It is much easier for him to wave flags, to make speeches, to provide moving pictures, and to sing patriotic songs. It is more to his liking to be in a parade, or to figure as a member of a reception committee. But these can never counteract the trend of racial interests in favor of American business interests. The American business man should not feel that the nation is secure until every phase of American business—racial and native—is merged into one unified economic system. Until this is accomplished, other activities among immigrants are, relatively speaking, about as vital to American economic progress as is golf or yachting.

It needs no argument to prove that two countries cannot claim the same immigrant for military service; two countries cannot have the same lien on his loyalty; two countries cannot have a prior claim to his savings; and two countries cannot engage his attention in their economic expansion. Sooner or later a clash must come, and when it does, it may well be between the nations behind the immigrants.