Chapter VII:
Immigrant Manpower

Since the effects of any change in European immigration policies will show first in the quantity and quality of production, it is to industry that we turn for the first solution of our post war problems of immigration. If, then, the country must rely upon American business to do its full share in economic assimilation, what part will industry undertake and how well is it equipped to carry its end of the load?

The first responsibility of industry is to see that America has a sufficient supply of labor to maintain American production with a fair margin of profit, and at the lowest possible price to the consumer. If its work is well done, there should be neither an under nor an over supply. Furthermore, it should provide for reserves to be called upon when needed and to be taken care of when idle. The very nature of American industry makes such an organization of the labor market an imperative duty, and involves at the outset a consideration of immigration; for certain industries are almost wholly dependent upon immigrant labor, as it is impossible to secure for them a native supply at any price.

Immigrant workmen mine three- quarters of the output of iron and coal. They constitute the bulk of labor in the lumber camps. They are used almost exclusively to build our tracks and roads and to keep them in repair. In all forms of construction immigrant labor predominates. The building of houses, delayed first by the war and then by the high price of materials, now finds itself seriously handicapped by the shortage of immigrant labor. Immigrants bake one- half of the bread in America, refine one-half of the sugar, prepare four-fifths of all the leather, make fifty per cent of the gloves, shoes, and silk, and make ninety-five per cent of all our clothing. Sixty per cent of all packing house employers are foreign born.

What, then, is the situation with regard to both the present and future supply of immigrant labor? In the matter of numbers, there seems to be but little likelihood of a permanent oversupply of the kind of workingmen America requires. This conclusion is based upon losses sustained during the war because of immigrants who failed to arrive and because of those who returned home. It is also based upon the temporary character of much of the incoming immigration and upon its lessened adaptability to American needs.

Before the war, immigration to America was at the rate of about 1,000,000 immigrants a year; but during the five year period of the war, it received only 1,880,205 people. Assuming that the number of yearly arrivals would have continued at the normal rate had there been no war, this represents a loss to America of 3,500,000 immigrants. A further loss was sustained in the half-million immigrants who, during the same period, returned to their native countries. Of the 4,000,000 immigrants who might have come to America or who might have remained here, had there been no war, at least three-fifths of them would have been in the producing class.

Assuming that the present increase in immigration will meet our expectations in numbers, what are the facts regarding the availability of this new immigration since the war for the kind of work America needs to have done to increase its production and decrease its cost? The significant aspect of recent information on immigration is not so much a matter of numbers as of quality. Even though they come from the same countries and have the same qualifications, yet they are a different people for the war has changed them far more profoundly than it has affected those who live in our own country whether foreign or native born. Their attitude toward America is not the same as that of the immigrant of yesterday. The changed relationship of nations toward our own is bound to affect the attitude of new immigrants. There is no blinking the fact that America for the time being has lost much of the respect and confidence of European nations and therefore much of the spirit of cooperation in its people who come here. The effect of it is already seen in foreign markets, in the discriminations against American goods and will inevitably appear in production, because immigrants will seek only the material advantages and gains in America, with less and less interest in building up American business through increased production and a higher standard of output.

The present immigrant is not so eager to do the kind of work—which America most needs to have- done. This changed attitude on his part may be due to several reasons. He may have become affected by the Bolshevist doctrines which pervade Europe, or by the independence granted to his home country. If he is a reservist and has fought in the war, he tells us that he expects something better from America than the rough work he did before the war. If he has been through great hardships in the war, he says that he is not looking for an immediate job, but for an opportunity to escape from the results of the war in his home country. In any case, when he arrives in America, he is averse to doing hard manual labor. This changed attitude of the immigrant toward manual labor, considered in terms of production, compares unfavorably in capacity, adaptability, skill and willingness with that of the immigrant who is returning to Europe. A balance to our credit in numbers may thus be more than offset by differences in capacity and willingness to work.

The employer, therefore, is making discoveries which are disturbing. In the near future he may not only have to employ two immigrants to do the work which one was able to do before the war; and he may not only have to pay them the same rate of wages which the earlier immigrant now receives; but he may have to deal with a new kind of workman who brings with him the Bolshevist theory of "working slowly on the job." Moreover, the employer finds that the new immigrant is more restless and more eager than was his predecessor to get something for nothing, which again adds to the increasing cost of production.

The employer also finds that in addition to the labor turnover cost, which is increased by the migration of immigrant workman that industry as a whole may have to bear in the future a new burden, namely, that of immigration turnover. Few American plants have kept the records of labor turnovers by races, but in one plant where such records were kept, it was found that among native born employees the turnover was 66.8% while among those of foreign birth it was 104%; that among foreign born employees who were naturalized the turnover was 82% , while among those who were still aliens it was 110.9%. It costs this plant about fifty dollars per head to hire and train each new worker, upon this basis, a further analysis of the labor turnover showed that for the native born the cost per unit of increase was $163.41, while for naturalized foreign born it was$ 194.17, and for the unnaturalized foreign born it was $523.36. Incidentally, these discoveries illustrate that there is a practical value to industry in keeping native and foreign born workmen separated on all cost sheets, a plan which few employers so far have adopted.

Many aliens who had been regarded by American employers as "settled" have become imbued with a spirit of nationalism which has created a desire to return to the homeland. This creates an immigration turnover cost. For instance, who can estimate the cost to American industry of training aliens to a point of efficiency in production and organization methods, only to have them return to Europe as competitors? Who can estimate the cost to American industry of converting the inexperienced peasant who is undernourished by the war into a well- conditioned experienced workman, only to have him return to Europe to produce goods in competition with American products? Who can foresee the cost to American business of receiving a million immigrants a year and teaching them American methods and helping them to acquire technical skill and instructing them in the English language, only to have half or more of them, in an unfriendly and unsympathetic attitude toward American business and toward America itself, return to the lands of their birth?

There are some who believe that American business is under obligation to make such a post- war contribution to Europe. Granting this, would it not be well for the American business man to know, not only that this is such a contribution, but also what it costs? Then, if he continues so to contribute, it would be because he was willing to do so, in full confidence that he was meeting the cost in a businesslike manner. Only by complete knowledge and by the adoption of business principles in all of our immigration undertakings will the avoidance of resentment in our future commercial relations with foreign nations be possible.

Business has sustained another loss, due in part to immigration which, though less obvious, is none the less real. This is the deterioration in the quality of American workmanship during and since the war. The pressure under which war work was done has increased a natural tendency toward a somewhat careless workmanship. But another cause is to be found in the loss of immigrant workmen. The absence of that leaven of steady, careful plodding which the immigrant puts into his work is beginning to tell, especially in basic industries. So, also, is the lessened amount of his quality of thrift beginning to show itself in the increase in waste and breakage within plants.

Being a prodigal nation, we are so much in the habit of not counting costs that we rarely consider the immigrant as an addition to our resources as well as to production. Each adult immigrant now costs Europe about $2,000 to raise him to the age of production. For the millions of laborers who might have entered, had there been no war, this is equivalent to a loss of many billions of dollars to America.

It is not manufactures alone which must bear the burden of a shortage of labor, due to loss in numbers, unavailability, and inadaptability, for the losses are distributed over all fields of production. Each year there is a shortage of labor on farms. It has become so constant as to be a chronic condition which we take as a matter of course. Farmers, hopeless of ever having the situation remedied, now habitually count on a heavy percentage of annual waste, or plant only such crops as they think they can market with the available labor supply. This is even more serious when we consider that since the war the demand for farm products has increased over thirty per cent, because of the conditions abroad and of the increased wages and of the higher standards of living which prevail in America. The farmer cannot meet this demand because of the labor shortage which is estimated by official authorities to be at least twenty- five per cent.

In spite of the rise in prices of farm products and the general excellence of crops, it is becoming more difficult to hold immigrants on the farms. This exodus is not due entirely to the call of the city or of the homeland. One-half of the total immigration into Canada last year consisted of some 50,000 farmers from the northwestern states who left in response to an aggressive campaign which was carried on by Canadian agents in that part of the country.

To meet the shortage of farm labor, Mexicans were imported into a few of the southwestern states. But that relief promises to be but short lived, for Mexico, having to import Chinese labor to take care of the situation created by the loss of its own native labor, is strenuously opposing further emigration. A proclamation has been issued by the Mexican government which seeks to prejudice Mexicans against emigrating to the United States. It states, among other things, that the contracts made by American employers with Mexicans have not been respected by the former; that the lack of knowledge of the English language has prevented Mexicans from securing their rights in this country; that they are subjected to this treatment because of the hostility of American workers; and that they are unable to return to Mexico because of conditions which prevent them from saving enough for transportation.

Those who regard the importation of Mexican labor as the solution of the American farm labor problem will, in the light of these facts, scarcely continue to place much reliance upon the importation of temporary labor. Under such conditions it is a question whether America at this time can consider the inauguration of any policy of admitting labor under temporary contracts as a method of permanent relief. It will hardly be advantageous for America to secure such laborers for a year or so, if it arouses such national resentment as is reflected in the Mexican proclamation. We should know the net results of this experiment with Mexico before we adopt a national policy of this kind; otherwise, our future supply of labor may be affected to our disadvantage, and may even influence unfavorably our commercial relations with other countries. In any case, we should consider carefully whether we are in favor of a policy which is so great a departure from the American belief that the immigrant should become a permanent settler.

It has become almost a habit of mind for the American to deal with the question of immigrant labor, one day as a matter of oversupply, and another day as one of under-supply. But this limited view must give way to the larger one of securing a base of labor supply which will enable us to call upon it when needed and to hold the surplus in reserve when it is not needed. In the past it has been too often the case that when emergencies arose we would rush out to find labor and when the emergencies were over we would expect labor to take care of itself. If we would avoid such methods in the future, provision should be made which will insure greater security for both industry and labor.

The organization of the labor market is, however, more easily proposed than accomplished. It has been undertaken by business, by labor, by the Federal Government, and by the State governments. But, so far as the immigrant is concerned, the private employment agency of his own racial group is still the chief means by which he secures work. One reason for the failure to organize this market is, that the need for such organization has not been apparent. American business has been able to pay the cost of the present inefficient and extravagant methods which lack the intelligence and skill necessary to receive, distribute, and place the immigrant at work on arrival. The immigrant still finds his way to the plant through his racial employment agencies or through his acquaintances and by the same means finds his way out again. Steady and unchanging as the immigrant may be in his home country, ever he goes from plant to plant and from town to town in America, each change causing a loss of time and a depreciation in skill. Government no less than business has been a failure in not perceiving the prime necessity for the organization of a business system to receive, distribute and adjust the immigrant with the least possible delay and waste. The precarious existence of the United States Employment Bureau, which expanded during the war and then shrunk to its normal existence, is so well known to business and labor alike for its inability to adjust the labor market, that it needs little more than a passing comment.

It is because business still regards the reception of the immigrant and his distribution as a matter to occupy the attention of philanthropists, civic and social workers, missionaries, and representatives of racial societies that foreign countries are looking askance at America and considering whether they will not divert their immigrants to countries where protection in a more responsible way can be assured. They are not greatly impressed by the "glad hand" which is offered to their immigrants at Ellis Island. They know that this will not act as a balm to their immigrants when later they are despoiled of their small savings with which they had hoped to start life in America. The assumption by the American that the remembrance of this first, and perhaps only handshake from an American will cheer the dark hours of the skilled immigrant workman or the university trained man who starts life here by digging ditches; and that it will, in a measure, compensate for the isolation and discriminations which later characterize so large a part of the immigrant's experience, makes no corresponding appeal to the native country of the immigrant to which immigration is a matter to be measured on a dollar and cents basis, in terms of the money which the immigrant sends to his home country.

America has permitted Europe to organize the immigration market, inasmuch as Europe now decides who shall leave and how many and under what conditions. The policy of selection and direction which prevail today is hers. For does she not follow her various nationals into strange lands and protect them and recall them if need be? Not the least of the reasons is our failure to organize the labor market and to provide the necessary facilities and safeguards for taking care of immigrant labor and for assuring to ourselves an adequate future supply.

But if nations have found a way to follow their nationals into immigration countries, Lenin has demonstrated that he has found a way by which internationalism can go further, because his propaganda has already followed working men into production—whether they are workers in the most remote lumber camp or in the most perfectly organized factory. So the American employer has to deal with the immigrant, not only as an international person in the labor market, but with him as such at work in the shop or mine or camp.

Few business men realize to what an extent the war has accentuated the internationalization of the immigrant. To- day, the smallest employer or banker in the most remote American industrial village is now called upon to deal with questions which have their origin in circumstances quite beyond his conception, and with forces which have been in existence for centuries, that are now operating through thousands of miles to reach him. He is, in most instances, quite unaware that the immigrant is quite a different unit of power from the native born workman. The immigrant has traditions, customs, habits of thought, and centuries of inheritance which the employer generally knows little about, and because of this ignorance, he may offend unwittingly, thus causing a lasting resentment. The immigrant workman is the subject of solicitation from forces across the sea that the average employer hardly more than suspects— be they the propagandist from Russia, the appeals from his family in Europe, or the importunities of his native government. He has worries and responsibilities, the extent and seriousness of which the employer cannot possibly imagine, especially when he has his own mind fully occupied with questions of wages, housing and production. When the immigrant workman goes home, it is not to a consideration of affairs which the Americans readily understand, but it is more often to read his foreign language papers or to talk with his friends about conditions in the native land and what can be done to help change them.

The average employer is inclined to regard these conditions, if brought to his attention, as more bother than the immigrant workman is worth. His chief remedy is to provide a racial boss or foreman to handle these men in squads, and if this plan fails, to dismiss them. As an illustration of how little racial elements are considered by American business in labor stabilization, one need only consider the unrest which prevailed among the foreign born when the armistice was signed. Immigrants, unable to hear from home, or unable to send supplies and money to their people, deserted their work in the hope of returning home; or, at least, of getting as near to New York as possible, so they could hear through new arrivals or metropolitan racial agencies about their families and friends. To facilitate the sending of relief abroad and to assure its arrival at destination, Mr. Herbert Hoover perfected a warehouse food draft, which could be bought from American banks, and which when presented abroad through the American Relief Administration would guarantee deliveries of food up to a specified amount. Employers were asked to cooperate in selling these drafts, so that a greater amount of relief might be sent and be assured of safe arrival. From both the humanitarian and economic aspects it would have paid employers to assist in furthering this plan, as it would have served the purpose of keeping men steadily at work since it would have relieved the unrest due to the alien's inability to get information from home, or to help his family and friends. It was the first national attempt by which business could have approached the immigrant workman in the interests of the latter. The plan was presented to over 8,000 employers, and although many of them were complaining of the loss of immigrant labor, less than 3% showed any interest in the plan whatsoever. At the same time many of these employers were enthusiastic in their support of a "Stay in America" campaign which attempted by methods of wholesale propaganda to undertake an economic task that could have been done much better by them in their own plants, if they had cooperated with the Hoover plan.

It requires, however, little vision to see that in the near future, if America continues to receive a large amount of immigration, the racial specialist in industry will be as necessary to adjust racial relations as is the labor specialist to adjust industrial relations. A few years ago employers regarded as mere sentiment the idea that the personal health and home conditions of their employees were their concern. To- day the plant doctor and dentist and the plant visiting nurse are everywhere to be found on the payroll of industry. Business is finding that they are a good investment, for they maintain a normal standard of health among employees and help to sustain production. So, employers yet regard as sentimental the idea that racial antagonisms and racial ills among their employees are their concern. But they are beginning to see that production is hampered when the Italian and Jugo- Slav, because of existing feuds in Europe, are full of hatred for each other as they work side by side; when Pole and Jew, because of fundamental racial antagonisms, are at cross purposes; or when Russian and Greek dispute over a dictum issued by Lenin. These and countless other racial matters demand with ever increasing insistence the attention of the employers of America.

We should therefore revise our ideas of plant management and our theories of welfare work, if we are to depend upon immigration for a future labor supply and if we are to secure a maximum production from the races already at work in America. A glance at the development of welfare work in plants shows us that, so far, the immigrant workman has for the most part been left to himself or to his racial leaders in the plant and community.

The first period of organized industrial relations was one of individual bargaining in which personal contact played a large part. It began in New England with the establishment of the factory system, which system from the first included a large number of foreign born working people. From the beginning, this practice of personal contact between management and men did not obtain to any great extent among the immigrants. The tendency was to exclude them from plant activities and to isolate them in colonies, to designate them by numbers, and to practice discriminations and to raise racial barriers in industrial organizations, partly because of language difficulties and partly because of the contempt in which most of his qualities, except his ability to work, were held.

As the factory system grew the problems of management multiplied. The informal personal relation between employer and employee was displaced by an organized personal contact, equivalent to a kind of benevolent paternalism. The employer ceased to know about the particular home of a workman but he built homes for groups of his workmen. He ceased to know how each man spent his leisure time, but he provided playgrounds or gardens for the use of his men, or financed baseball teams.

During this period of benevolent paternalism, the alien workman fared little better than before. This was not the result of any studied partiality on the part of the employer but was due to differences in language, to the racial peculiarities of the immigrant, and to the fact that it had become a habit to regard him as a mere cog in the machine. For these reasons, perhaps more than others, the immigrant has lived in isolation in inferior or in congested quarters of the city or town. And, isolated as he was from Americans, both within and without the plant, it became more natural than ever to discriminate against him in the new welfare activities. It was then but a step further to discrimination against him in such matters as safety, compensation for injuries and the like. As his labor came cheap to the employer, he was treated in a cheap way.

When the movement to transfer welfare work from a benevolent to an economic basis was begun, the immigrant began to receive attention. It was found that it paid as well to provide good working and living conditions for him as it did to provide them for the native born workman. The adoption of certain standard features of management further protected his interests. For example: in time, the central employment office, safety- first and first- aid measures, profit- sharing, insurance, pensions and other guarantees against losses because of illness, old age or death came also to include the immigrant. "Safety first" signs were printed in the language of the immigrant workmen, because safety first paid. The plant doctor, dentist or nurse paid the same attention to the immigrant as they did to others, because the good health of any employee paid. Inequalities in compensation for injuries began to disappear because it paid to secure the good will as well as the labor of the immigrant.

While there were many glaring inequalities among plants, concerning the inclusion of immigrants in welfare work, nevertheless the trend was upward and immigrants everywhere were receiving increasing consideration in practical ways which they understood. The war, however, upset the natural development of welfare work, and caused ramifications which are less intelligible to the immigrant workingman and which are less likely to hold his confidence. This tendency to confuse methods of management is directly traceable to the introduction into plants of so many different psychologists, economists, sociologists, journalists and other well meaning but inexperienced people who were successively injected into industrial establishments "to help win the war." Government representatives, who made a sally into the control of plant operations, were, for the most part, theorists; and while they introduced many new points of view and stimulated a new interest in industrial relations, it is a question whether we shall not have to go back and counteract by organization the influence of the vagaries which have followed their work.

The fact is, that plants having once thrown open their doors to propagandists and outside interests, are now the objective of a variety of efforts which seek to relieve them of responsibility and which aim to transfer authority outside the plant. There is the photographer who wants to stimulate production by news and pictures on the bulletin board, and he in turn is challenged by the cartoonist who insists that the exhibition of his drawings will more effectively do the work. There is the economist who offers to write "stuffers" for pay envelopes, and he, in turn, is challenged by the writer who argues in favor of using the factory magazine. There is the moving picture man who insists that his scheme is the best; but he in turn is challenged by the orator who contends that his talks to the foremen and men will boost production sky high. There is the institute which sells courses on how to handle men or how to run business which are prepared by "experts" who never did either; but these "experts" are challenged by the educational spy system which asserts that if its educators are permitted to work alongside of the men, they will "make them think straight." There is the patriotic and civic organization which asks to be entrusted with the anti- Bolshevist fight and it in turn is challenged by "investigation committees" which advise the employer to "leave it to us." There are Americanization agencies which have perfected a plan to teach English and to help the workmen to become citizens, and they in turn are challenged by a variety of "uplift societies," each with a different panacea.

Along with this great variety of effort to improve industrial relations is the reaction from the war which has found its way into industry. The disposition to "fire the immigrant first," to force him to take out first papers before he can work, to compel his attendance at classes in English— these seem strangely inconsistent to the immigrant who, while he sees the olive branch of paternalism in one hand, also observes a club of coercion in the other.

It hardly ever occurs to the employer to ask what his immigrant workmen think about all this; and what effect these outside influences and this multiplicity of activities, which are intended to promote better relations, are having upon his foreign- born employees.

First of all, the immigrant often does not understand their meaning and, coming as he does from a country where industrial conditions and organization are much simpler, he is alternately puzzled by their applications or he is pushed so fast into unfamiliar activities that his industrial balance is upset. Often he resents them because their purpose is not explained, or he is suspicious that they may be propaganda, or that they are intended to separate him from his beliefs and traditions. For instance, the motives for installing classes in English may be misinterpreted to him, if he is told that some ulterior scheme lies back of them to alienate him from his traditions and affections, and so he does not attend the classes. Or, again, the objects of a meeting may be given a slant by the propagandist which makes him suspicious. Half- baked ideas portrayed on posters or smart catch words and phrases that are introduced into his pay envelope may encounter prejudices and offend traditions of which neither the writer nor employer is aware. He may be told that the outside expert is a spy and that the moving pictures being shown in the plant is propaganda. And as for Americanization—that may be the last straw, for is it not intended to take away his language and all of the things which he holds dear in the home country?

To the immigrant, these panaceas seem to have no clear central purpose and so they possess neither continuity nor stability for him. The Bolshevist propagandist therefore finds a fertile field in this confusion of panaceas. The immigrant lends a willing ear to attacks upon these new movements. Where such welfare measures are emphasized the propagandist denounces and ridicules them with such telling effect as to convince the workingmen that business does not know how to run its own affairs. "If it needs outside experts," he says, "why does it not let the men themselves operate the plant?"

The soundness of the welfare measures adopted and the manner of their adoption have a bearing upon the future immigrant labor supply. Does the story of his experiences at work, which is contained in the letter written home or which is told by the returning immigrant, stimulate the desire of men to come to America, or does America suffer by comparison with other countries? Is America, with regard to the treatment of workmen, regarded as a country of new-fangled industrial notions? Hitberto, as a country favored by immigrants, we have not had to consider the effects of our activities beyond ourselves. It was our own affair. To- day, as a result of the war, whether we like it or not, they have become the affairs of every intending emigrant as well as of every emigrant country in the world.

It has seemed to close observers of the trend of thought among immigrant workmen, if industry is to secure their cooperation and if it is to command the confidence of their native countries, that the present personnel work in industry needs to be enormously simplified and extended along more practical lines; that it needs to be fully explained, and a few simple principles adopted by which every proposal will be given an acid test. The principles should be clearly within the understanding of the humblest workingman.

Does the proposed measure increase participation in profits? Does it create interest and also bring out latent ability and individual responsibility? Does it promote better feeling among the men and a common endeavor? Does it add to the security of employment? Does it visibly improve the working conditions? Is it for the benefit of the public as well as of the management and men? The presence of outside experts and the introduction of new measures in a plant, which cannot be explained upon such simple grounds, tend to breed suspicion. The transfer of responsibilities and authority from plant executives to outside service organizations and men cannot but destroy the morale within a plant.

There is abundant evidence that employers are awake to the difficulties of dealing with immigrant manpower. But that they will find the final test of the soundness of their theories and of the practicality of their experiments through the immigrant at the bottom of the industrial heap is by no means so generally recognized. For in the welfare movement, through which science and organization are gradually finding their way, the immigrant has as yet taken little part. While he sometimes benefits by the measures adopted, he is still too far removed from the philosophy of the movement to contribute much of his own thought or to profit by the fragments of discussion which come his way. But it is the theory as well as the practice in which he is interested. It is the theory of industrial organization which the internationalist propagandist attacks, and which attack he supports by industrial facts. For the employer to secure the cooperation of immigrant workmen they must know more of the reasons why measures are adopted, on what principles plants are run, and who are the men who furnish the ideas?

There are evidences that personnel work in the near future is to be placed upon a saner basis. A committee of executives of a dozen of the leading corporations is at work upon reaching an agreement upon principles and standards and they have already formulated their preliminary finding covering wages and hours, collective bargaining, open shop, representation, profit sharing or profit distribution, employment, training and education, Americanization, health, safety, housing, community interests, factory restaurants, and cooperative buying.

Drexel Institute has organized, with the cooperation of business men, a Council on Management which has a similar object in mind, but which will also undertake to relate the training of executives in colleges more closely to practical work in the plant. The National Research Council has called a conference to consider the advisability of establishing an Institute of Personnel Research. The engineering societies have federated into one organization which will consider manpower as well as other matters in its larger aspects.

The National Association of Corporation Schools also announces the establishment of the American Institution of Industry and Commerce, which will make investigations and have courses in educational institutions expanded to meet more fully the needs of commerce and industry, and to improve relations between employers and employees.

If a way could be found to include racial leaders of the foreign born workmen in industrial deliberations and to secure a racial judgment upon proposed management policies and measures before they were adopted, much would be scrapped before it was tried; much would be prevented which now leads to unrest; and many of the answers to Bolshevism would be found.

If industry, then, which must needs rely upon the immigrant workers here as well as upon those to come, is to undertake fully its share of economic assimilation of immigration through the day's work, then it must organize the immigrant labor market at home and abroad, so as to insure a proper reception, protection, distribution and adjustment of the immigrant. It must improve management relations so as to include the immigrant upon equal terms with all others in order that his confidence and cooperation may be obtained. It must improve living conditions where it has the power so as to facilitate the adoption of the American standard of living. It must organize its personnel work within the plant along sane lines which the immigrant as well as the native born can understand, and must include the racial specialist who understands the psychology of the foreign- born workmen so as to incorporate them into the full industrial life of the plant. Above all, the employers—they who constitute the leaders of industry—must forget that the immigrant workman is a "foreigner." He must be treated as a man.