739 So called from the Greek—“Eaters of wild beasts.”
740 The “all-eaters.”
741 Or the “livers on the milk of the dog.”
742 In c. 8 of the preceding Book.
743 They were thence called by the Greeks “Acridophagi.” According to Agatharchides, these people dwelt in what is modern Nubia, where Burkhardt found the people subsisting on lizards.
744 Hardouin remarks, that the length is measured from south-east to south-west; and the breadth from south to north.
745 The supposed Southern Ocean, which joins the Atlantic on the west.
746 Or the “Chariot of the gods,” mentioned also in Book ii. c. 110, and B. v. c. 1. It is supposed to have been some portion of the Atlas chain; but the subject is involved in the greatest obscurity.
747 Or the “Western Horn.” It is not known whether this was Cape de Verde, or Cape Roxo. Ansart thinks that it is the same as Cape Non. It is mentioned in c. 1 of B. v. as the “promontorium Hesperium.”
748 See notes to B. v. c. 1, in vol. i. p. 378.
749 Marcus says that these islands are those called the “Two Sisters,” situate to the west of the Isle of Socotra, on the coast of Africa. They are called by Ptolemy, Cocionati.
750 The position of this island has been much discussed by geographers, as being intimately connected with the subject of Hanno’s voyage to the south of Africa. Gosselin, who carries that voyage no further south than Cape Non, in about 28° north lat., identifies Cerne with Fedallah, on the coast of Fez, which, however, is probably much too far to the north. Major Rennell places it as far south as Arguin, a little to the south of the southern Cape Blanco, in about 20° 5′ North latitude. Heeren, Mannert, and others, adopt the intermediate portion of Agadir, or Souta Cruz, on the coast of Morocco, just below Cape Ghir, the termination of the main chain of the Atlas. If we are to trust to Pliny’s statement, it is pretty clear that nothing certain was known about it in his day.
751 The “Pillars.” Marcus thinks that these were some small islands near the Isle of Socotra.
752 Hardouin says that this is not the Atlantis rendered so famous by Plato, whose story is distantly referred to in B. ii. c. 92 of this work. It is difficult to say whether the Atlantis of Plato had any existence at all, except in the imagination.
753 Medusa and her sisters, the daughters of Phorcys and Ceto. The identity of their supposed islands seems not to have been ascertained. For the poetical aspect of their story, see Ovid’s Met., B. iv.
754 It is not improbable that these were the skins of a species of uran-outang, or large monkey.
755 The Purpurariæ, or “Purple Islands,” probably the Madeira group.
756 Or Islands of the Blessed—the modern Canaries.
757 Supposed to be the modern island of Fuerteventura.
758 Supposed to be that now called Ferro.
759 Probably the modern Gomera. In B. iv. c. 36, Pliny mentions them as six in number, there being actually seven.
760 He does not appear on this occasion to reckon those already mentioned as belonging to the group of the Fortunatæ Insulæ.
761 The present Isle of Teneriffe.
762 Supposed to be that now called Gran Canaria.
763 The smoothness of its surface.
764 It is impossible to see clearly what he means. Littré says that it has been explained by some to mean, that from the Purpurariæ, or Madeira Islands, it is a course of 250 miles to the west to the Fortunatæ or Canary Islands; but that to return from the Fortunatæ to the Purpurariæ, required a more circuitous route in an easterly direction.
765 Or Pluvialia, the Rainy Island, previously mentioned.
766 Salmasius thinks that the sugar-cane is here alluded to. Hardouin says that in Ferro there still grows a tree of this nature, known as the “holy tree.”
767 Or the Lesser Junonia; supposed to be the same as the modern Lanzarote.
768 Or “Snow Island,” the same as that previously called Invallis, the modern Teneriffe, with its snow-capped peak.
769 So called from its canine inhabitants.
771 Hardouin takes this to mean, both as to the continent, with the places there situate, and the seas, with the islands there found; the continent being the interior, and the seas the exterior part. It is much more likely, however, that his description of the interior of the earth is that given in the 2nd Book, while the account of the exterior is set forth in the geographical notices contained in the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th.
772 The Straits of Gades or Cadiz.
773 The Straits of Gades.
774 Littré has the following remark: “Is it possible that Pliny can have imagined that the extent of a surface could be ascertained by adding the length to the breadth?” It is just possible that such may not have been his meaning; but it seems quite impossible to divine what it was.
775 He means to say that the interior is not inhabited beyond a distance of 250 miles from the sea-coast.
776 See B. v. c. 9.
777 He is probably speaking only of that part of Asia which included Egypt, on the eastern side of the river Nile, according to ancient geography. His mode, however, of reckoning the breadth of Asia, i. e. from south to north, is singular. See p. 104.
778 On a rough calculation, these aliquot parts in all would make 42643/42900 parts of the unit. It is not improbable that the figures given above as the dimensions are incorrect, as they do not agree with the fractional results here given by Pliny.
779 B. iv. c. 26.
780 In p. 111.
781 See end of B. iii.
782 See end of B. ii.
783 See end of B. iii.
784 See end of B. ii.
785 See end of B. iii.
786 See end of B. iii.
787 See end of B. iii.
788 See end of B. v.
789 See end of B. ii.
790 See end of B. v.
791 See end of B. iii.
792 See end of B. ii.
793 See end of B. iii.
794 The famous Roman historian, a native of Padua. He died at his native town, in the year A.D. 17, aged 76. Of his Annals, composed in 142, only 35 Books have come down to us.
795 L. Annæus Seneca, the Roman philosopher and millionnaire. He was put to death by Nero.
796 P. Nigidius Figulus, a Roman senator, and Pythagorean philosopher, skilled in astrology and other sciences. He was so celebrated for his knowledge, that Aulus Gellius pronounces him, next to Varro, the most learned of the Romans. He was an active partisan of Pompey, and was compelled by Cæsar to live at a distance from Rome. He died in exile, B.C. 44. There is a letter of consolation addressed to him by Cicero in his Epistles “ad Familiares,” which contains a warm tribute to his worth and learning.
797 See end of B. v.
798 For Hecatæus of Miletus, see end of B. iv. Hecatæus of Abdera was a contemporary of Alexander the Great and Ptolemy Lagides. He is thought to have accompanied the former in his Asiatic expedition as far as Syria. He was a pupil of the sceptic Pyrrho, and is called a philosopher, critic, and grammarian. He was the author of a History of Egypt, a work on the Hyperborei, and a History of the Jews.
799 See end of B. iv.
800 See end of B. iv.
801 For Eudoxus of Cnidos, see end of B. ii. Eudoxus of Cyzicus was a geographer and a native of Egypt, who was employed by Ptolemy Euergetes and his wife Cleopatra in voyages to India. He made attempts to circumnavigate Africa by sailing to the south, but without success. He is supposed to have lived about B.C. 130. See B. ii. c. 67 of the present work.
802 See end of B. ii.
803 See end of B. v.
804 See end of B. iv.
805 He commanded the fleets of Ptolemy Philadelphia, and of Seleucus Nicator, by whose orders he paid a visit to the coasts of India. Strabo speaks of his account of India as the best guide to the geography of that country.
806 A native of Miletus—see the tenth Chapter of this Book. He appears to have written a geographical work on Asia, from which Pliny derived considerable assistance.
807 Son of Deinon, the historian; he accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and wrote a history of it. Quintus Curtius censures him for his inaccuracy. Cicero, Quintilian, and Longinus, also speak in slighting terms of his performance.
808 See end of B. ii.
809 He alludes to the letters of that monarch, and the journals which were kept on the occasion of his expeditions. In the middle ages several forged works were current under his name.
810 See end of B. iv.
811 See end of B. ii.
812 See end of B. v.
813 See end of B. iv.
814 See end of B. ii.
815 See end of B. iv.
816 See end of B. iv.
817 See end of B. iv.
818 See end of B. iv.
819 See end of B. iv.
820 See end of B. iii.
821 See end of B. ii.
822 A Greek writer of uncertain date, who wrote, as Pliny tells us, (c. 20 of the present Book), a work on the people called Attaci or Attacori. He also wrote another, describing a voyage, commenced at Memphis in Egypt.
823 See end of B. iii.
824 See end of B. ii.
825 See end of B. ii.
826 The admiral of Alexander, who sailed down the river Indus, and up the Persian Gulf. It is not known when or where he died. After the death of Alexander, he supported the cause of Antigonus. He left a history or journal of his famous voyage.
827 See end of B. v.
828 Mentioned by Pliny in c. 21. He measured the distances of the marches of Alexander the Great, and wrote a book on the subject.
829 See end of B. v.
830 A native of Soli. He is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, as the author of a work on Æthiopia, of which some few fragments are preserved. Varro and Pliny mention him, also, as a writer on agriculture.
831 A writer on geography and botany, again mentioned by Pliny in B. xx. c. 73. He is supposed to have lived in the first century after Christ. See also c. 35.
832 Said to have been a native of Meroë, and to have written a History of Æthiopia; nothing else seems to be known of him.
833 The author of a work on India, of which the second Book is quoted by Athenæus. From what Pliny says, in c. 35, he seems to have also written on Æthiopia. He is mentioned by Agatharchides as one of the writers on the East: but nothing more seems to be known of him.
834 See end of B. iii.
835 We here enter upon the third division of Pliny’s Natural History, which treats of Zoology, from the 7th to the 11th inclusive. Cuvier has illustrated this part by many valuable notes, which originally appeared in Lemaire’s Bibliotheque Classique, 1827, and were afterwards incorporated, with some additions, by Ajasson, in his translation of Pliny, published in 1829; Ajasson is the editor of this portion of Pliny’s Natural History, in Lemaire’s Edition.—B.
836 This remark refers to the five preceding books, in which these subjects have been treated in detail.—B.
837 We have a similar remark in Cicero, De. Nat. Deor, ii. 47.—B.
838 Ajasson remarks, that trees have two barks, an outer, and an inner and thinner one; but seems to think that by the word “gemino” here, Pliny only means that the bark of trees is sometimes double its ordinary thickness.
839 It seems to have been the custom among the ancients to place the newborn child upon the ground immediately after its birth.
840 Pliny appears to have followed Lucretius in this gloomy view of the commencement of human existence. See B. v. l. 223, et seq.
841 This term of forty days is mentioned by Aristotle, in his Natural History, as also by some modern physiologists.—B.
842 We may hence conclude, that the practice of swathing young infants in tight bandages prevailed at Rome, in the time of Pliny, as it still does in France, and many parts of the continent; although it has, for some years, been generally discontinued in this country. Buffon warmly condemned this injurious system, eighty years ago, but without effect.—B.
843 “Feliciter natus;” this appears so inconsistent with what is stated in the text, that it has been proposed to alter it into infeliciter, although against the authority of all the MSS.; but it may be supposed, that Pliny, as is not unusual with him, employs the term ironically.—B.
844 This reminds us of the terms of the riddle proposed to Œdipus by the Sphinx: “What being is that, which, with four feet, has two feet and three feet, and only one voice; but its feet vary, and where it has most it is weakest?” to which he answered, That it is man, who is a quadruped (going on feet and hands) in childhood, two-footed in manhood, and moving with the aid of a staff in old age.
845 He alludes to the gradual induration of the bones of the head which takes place in the young of the human species, and imparts strength to it. Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim., states the general opinion of the ancients, that this takes place with the young of no other class of animated beings.
846 There is little doubt that new forms and features of disease are continually making their appearance among mankind, and even the same peoples, and have been from the earliest period; it was so at Rome, in the days of the Republic and of the Emperors. It is not improbable that these new forms of disease depend greatly upon changes in the temperature and diet. The plagues of 1348, 1666, and the Asiatic cholera of the present day, are not improbably various features of what may be radically the same disease. At the first period the beverage of the English was beer, or rather sweet-wort, as the hop does not appear to have been used till a later period. At the present day, tea and coffee, supported by ardent spirits, form the almost universal beverage.
847 Pliny forgets, however, that infants do not require to be taught how to suck.
848 According to Cicero, this opinion was more particularly expressed by Silenus and Euripides. Seneca also, in his Consolation to Marcia, expresses a very similar opinion. It was a very common saying, that “Those whom the gods love, die young.” It will be observed that Pliny here uses the significant word “aboleri,” implying utter annihilation after death. It will be seen towards the end of this Book, that he laughed to scorn the notion of the immortality of the soul.
849 By the use of the word “luctus” he may probably mean “tears;” but there is little doubt that all animals have their full share of sorrows, brought upon them either by the tyranny and cruelty of man, or their own unrestrained passions.
850 This is said hyperbolically by Pliny. The brutes of the field have as strong a love of life as man, although they may not be in fear of death, not knowing what it is. That they know what pain is, is evident from their instinctive attempts to avoid it.
851 Under this name he evidently intends to include all systems of religion, which he held in equal contempt.
852 Ajasson seems to think that he alludes to man’s craving desire for posthumous fame; but it is pretty clear that he has in view the then prevalent notions of the life of the soul after the death of the body.
853 Pascal has a similar thought; he says that “Man is a reed, and the weakest reed of nature.” The machinery of his body is minute and complex in the extreme, but it can hardly be said that his life is exposed to as many dangers dependent on the volition of, or on accidents arising from, other animated beings, as that of minute insects.
854 Ajasson refers to various classical authors for a similar statement. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that it is contrary to many well-known facts.—B. The cravings of hunger and of the sexual appetite, are quite sufficient to preclude the possibility of such a happy state of things among the brutes as Pliny here describes.
855 It was this feeling that prompted the common saying among the ancients, “Homo homini lupus”—“Man to man is a wolf;” and most true it is, that
“Man’s inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn.”
856 He alludes to the description already given in his geographical Books, of man taken in the aggregate, and grouped into nations.
857 These are less known, as being less easy of access to travellers, and it is accordingly in connection with these, that we always meet with the most wonderful tales.—B.
858 This feeling is well expressed in the old and hackneyed adage, “Omne ignotum pro mirifico”—“Everything that is unknown is taken for marvellous.”
859 Cuvier remarks, that Pliny generally employs this kind of oratorical language when he is entering upon a part of his work in which he betrays a peculiar degree of credulity, and a total want of correct judgment on physical topics.—B.
860 Being debarred from holding converse, the first great tie of sociality.
861 Ajasson does not hesitate to style this remark, “ridiculum sane;” as every one knows that the Greeks were more noted for their lively imagination, than for the correctness of their observations.—B. Surely Ajasson must have forgotten the existence of such men as Aristotle and Theophrastus!
862 Pliny has previously denominated the Scythians “Anthropophagi;” and in B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 20, he employs the word as the proper name of one of the Scythian tribes.—B.
863 See B. iii. c. 9.
864 See B. xxxvi. c. 5.
865 There can be no doubt, that cannibalism has existed at all times, and that it now exists in some of the Asiatic and Polynesian islands; but we must differ from Pliny in his opinion respecting the near connection between human sacrifices and cannibalism; the first was strictly a religious rite, the other was the result of very different causes; perhaps, in some cases, the want of food; but, in most instances, a much less pardonable motive.—B. Still, however, if nations go so far as to sacrifice human beings, there is an equal chance that a religious impulse may prompt them to taste the flesh; and when once this has been done, there is no telling how soon it may be repeated, and that too for the gratification of the palate. According to Macrobius, human sacrifices were offered at Rome, down to the time of Brutus, who, on the establishment of the Republic, abolished them. We read, however, in other authorities, that in 116, B.C., two Gauls, a male and a female, were sacrificed by the priests in one of the streets of Rome, shortly after which such practices were forbidden by the senate, except in those cases in which they had been ordered by the Sibylline books. Still we read, in the time of Augustus, of one hundred knights being sacrificed by his orders, at Perusia, and of a similar immolation in the time of the emperor Aurelian, A.D. 270. These, however, were all exceptional cases, and do not imply a custom of offering human sacrifices.
866 Pliny, in describing the Riphæan mountains, B. iv. c. 26, calls them “gelida Aquilonis conceptacula,” “the cold asylum of the northern blasts;” but we do not find the cavern mentioned in this or any other passage. The name here employed has been supposed to be derived from the Greek words, γης κλειθρον, signifying the limit or boundary of the earth.—B. “Specuque ejus dicto,” most probably means “the place called its cave,” and not the “cave which I have described,” as Dr. B. seems to have thought.
867 They are merely enumerated among other tribes of Scythians, inhabiting the country beyond the Palus Mæotis. See B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 19.—B.
868 The figures of the Gryphons or Griffins are found not uncommonly on the friezes and walls at Pompeii. In the East, where there were no safe places of deposit for money, it was the custom to bury it in the earth; hence, for the purpose of scaring depredators, the story was carefully circulated that hidden treasures were guarded by serpents and dragons. There can be little doubt that these stories, on arriving in the western world, combined with the knowledge of the existence of gold in the Uralian chain and other mountains of the East, gave rise to the stories of the Griffins and the Arimaspi. It has been suggested that the Arimaspi were no other than the modern Tsheremis, who dwelt on the left bank of the Middle Volga, in the governments of Kasan, Simbirsk, and Saratov, not far from the gold districts of the Uralian range.
869 It has been conjectured, that these fabulous tales of the combats of the Arimaspi with the Griffins, were invented by the neighbouring tribes of the Issedonæ or Essedones, who were anxious to throw a mystery over the origin of the gold, that they might preserve the traffic in their own hands. The Altai Mountains, in the north of Asia, contain many gold mines, which are still worked, as well as traces of former workings. The representation of an animal, somewhat similar to the Griffin, has been found among the sculptures of Persepolis, and is conceived to have had some allegorical allusion to the religion of the ancient inhabitants of the place. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 27, gives an account of the Griffin, and its contests with the Indians, for the gold, similar to that here given.—B.
870 We have an account of the Arimaspi, and of Aristeas, in Herodotus, B. iv. cc. 13, 15, and 27. Most of the wonderful tales related in this Chapter may be found in Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4. We have an account, also, of the Arimaspi in Solinus, very nearly in the words of Pliny. We have some valuable remarks by Cuvier, on the account given by Pliny of the Arimaspi and the Griffins, and on the source from which it appears to have originated, in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 16, and Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 164, 165.—B.
871 The modern Himalaya range.
872 Aulus Gellius relates this, among other wonderful tales, which are contained in his Chapter “On the Miraculous Wonders of Barbarous Nations,” B. ix. c. 4. He cites, among his authorities, Aristeas and Isigonus, whom he designates as “writers of no mean authority.”—B.
873 In B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 29.
874 One of the pleasures promised to the Gothic warriors, in the paradise of Odin, was to drink out of the skulls of their enemies.—B.
875 The variety of the human species to which the term Albino has been applied, from the whiteness of their hair and skin, is supposed by Cuvier to be more frequently found in the close valleys of mountainous districts, and may therefore have been very often met with in Albania, which is composed of valleys in the Caucasian range.—B.
876 “Tertio die;” literally, “on the third day.” In reckoning the time between two periods, the Romans included both of those periods in the computation, whereas we include but one of them.
877 In countries where serpents abound, there have been, at all times, jugglers, who profess to have a supernatural power, by which they are rendered insensible to the poison of these animals. This is the case with the Egyptians, and some of the oriental nations. They remove the poison-fang from the serpent, and in this way render it perfectly harmless. Some of the feats which were performed by the magicians in the court of Pharaoh, seem still to be practised in Egypt; by pressing upon the upper part of the spine, the animal is rendered rigid, while on removing the pressure, the animal is restored to its original state. These jugglers were also in the habit, much to the surprise of the ignorant spectators, of sucking the poison from the wounds produced by the bite of the serpent, which they accompanied by various ceremonies and incantations: but it is a well-known fact, that this may be done with perfect safety, in reference to poisons of all kinds, provided there be no breach in the cuticle of the mouth or lips.—B.
878 See B. xxviii. c. 7. The best account, probably, of the Psylli, is that found in Lucan’s Pharsalia, B. ix. c. 890, et seq.
879 This custom is referred to by Lucan, in his account of the Psylli, B. ix. l. 890, et seq.; and by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 57, and B. xvi. c. 27, 28.—B.
880 Herodotus, B. iv. c. 173, gives a somewhat different account; see also Aulus Gellius, B. xvi. c. 11, who follows the narrative of Herodotus. Gellius also gives an account of the Marsi, which is similar to that of Pliny.—B.
881 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that this alleged effect of the human saliva is without foundation. The saliva of a person who has fasted for some time, is still, in this country, a popular remedy for ophthalmia. It contains a greater proportion of saline matter than saliva under ordinary circumstances.—B.
882 The Nasamones have been enumerated among the inhabitants of the northern part of Africa, near the Greater Syrtis, v. 5. See also Herodotus, B. ii. c. 32, and B. vi. c. 172 and 190.—B.
883 Certain individuals are occasionally met with, whose generative organs exhibit an unusual formation, so as to give the idea of their uniting both sexes in the same person; and there are instances, where parts peculiar to both sexes actually appear to exist, but always in an imperfect or rudimentary state; all beyond this is undoubtedly fabulous. See Todd’s Cyclop. of Anat. in loco.—B.
884 There are, at the present day, individuals among the negroes, who profess to have the power of enchantment, which, however, appears to consist in their possessing the knowledge of various poisons, which they not unfrequently administer, and by these means obtain great influence over the minds of the people.—B.
885 This power of the eye is referred to by Virgil, Ecl. iii. l. 103:
“What eye is it that has fascinated my tender lambs?”
The evil eye is still an article of belief in Egypt and in some parts of the East. Witchcraft, in various forms, was greatly credited in the most enlightened parts of Europe, not more than two centuries ago, and is not yet excluded from the vulgar creed.—B.
886 It is well known that nothing of this kind was ever observed in any human eye, nor have we any method of accounting for the origin of this singular notion.—B. Brand, in his Popular Antiquities, says that he has no doubt whatever that the common expression “no one can say ‘black is my eye’” [or rather “black is the white of my eye”]—meaning that no one can justly speak ill of me, was derived from the notion of the enchanting, or bewitching, eye. He quotes from Reginald Scott’s “Discovery of Witchcraft:” “Many writers agree with Virgil and Theocritus in the effect of bewitching eyes, affirming ‘that in Scythia there are women called the Bythiæ, having two balls, or rather blacks, in the apples of their eyes.’ These, forsooth, with their angry looks, do bewitch and hurt, not only young lambs, but young children.” See Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. iii. pp. 44-46. See also Ennemoser’s Hist. of Magic, vol. ii. pp. 160, 161. Bohn’s Editions.
887 Some of the commentators have supposed, that Pliny, or Phylarchus, from whom he borrows, was misled by the ambiguity of the Greek term ἵππος, which signifies either a horse, or a tremulous motion of the eye. But, even admitting this to be the case, the wonder is scarcely diminished; for we have the double pupil in one eye, while this supposed tremulous motion is confined to the other.—B.
888 In all ages, it has been a prevalent superstition, that those endowed with magical qualities will not sink in water, encouraged, no doubt, by the cunning of those who might wish to make the charge a means of wreaking their vengeance. If they sank, they were to be deemed innocent, but were drowned; if, on the other hand they floated, they were deemed guilty, and handed over to the strong arm of the law. In reference to this usage, Brand says (“Popular Antiquities,” vol. iii.), “Swimming a witch was another kind of popular ordeal. By this method she was handled not less indecently than cruelly: for she was stripped naked and cross bound, the right thumb to the left toe, and the left thumb to the right toe. In this state she was cast into a pond or river, in which, if guilty, it was thought impossible for her to sink.”
889 This is probably the meaning of the word “tabem” here; though it may possibly signify “rottenness,” or “putrefaction.”
890 This remark is not contained in any of the works of Cicero now extant.—B.
891 Cuvier observes, that these people probably exercise some deception, analogous to that practised by a Spaniard, who exhibited himself in Paris, and professed to be incombustible, but who, eventually, was the dupe of his own quackery, and paid the penalty with his life. It would appear, that the Hirpi were not confined to one district, but dispersed over different parts of Italy. See the note of Heyne, on the prayer of Aruns, Æn. B. xi. l. 785, et seq.—B.
892 Plutarch relates these supposed facts in his life of Pyrrhus; this statement may be considered analogous to what has been recorded in modern times, respecting the efficacy of the royal touch in curing certain diseases, especially what has been termed the “King’s evil.”—B.
893 Horace, Odes, B. i. O. 22, characterises the Hydaspes, a river of India, by the title of “fabulosus.”—B.
895 Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 11, and B. xvii. c. 26, refers to the large size of many of the animals of India; and in B. iv. c. 19, he especially describes the size and fierceness of the Indian dog.—B.
896 The Ficus religiosa of Linnæus, the branches of which have the property of taking root when they are bent down to the ground, and of forming new stems, which again produce other branches, that may be bent down in the same way, so as to cover an indefinite space.—B. More popularly known as the “banyan tree.” See B. xii. c. 11.
897 The bambos arundinacea, or bamboo cane, is a reed or plant of the gramineous kind, which frequently grows to the height of the tallest trees. The stem is hollow, and the parts of it between the joints are used by the natives to form their canoes. We have an account of them in Herodotus, B. iii. c. 98.—B. See also B. xvi. c. 65 of this work.
898 It does not appear that the stature of the Indians exceeds that of the inhabitants of the temperate zones.—B.
899 Some practices very similar to these exist in certain parts of India, by the Fakirs, a peculiar class of devotees, and are regarded either in the light of religious ceremonies, or of modes of performing penance.—B.
900 Henderson states, in his “Biblical Researches,” that there is a race of people found in the Caucasus, and known as the Ingusch, and that it is their belief that a race of dæmons exists, which assume the appearance of armed men, and have the feet inverted.
901 Cuvier remarks, that these wonderful tales are generally related of the inhabitants of mountainous districts, as being less known and less accessible to travellers.—B.
902 This account probably originated in a species of monkey, with a projecting muzzle, called, from this circumstance, “cynocephalus,” or the “Dog’s head.” This account of the cynocephali is repeated by Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. The cynocephalus is generally considered to be the baboon.
903 So called, ἀπὸ τοῦ μονοῦ κώλου, “from having but one leg.” It is not improbable that these stories were first told of these nations from the resemblance of their names to the Greek words having these significations.
904 We have no method of explaining the origin of this story. It is to be regretted, that Pliny should have adopted so many ridiculous fables, on the doubtful authority of Ctesias.—B.
905 From Σκιαποῦς, “making a shadow with his foot.”—B.
906 Or “dwellers in caves.”
907 It has been conjectured, that this account may have originated in the dwarfish stature and short necks of the northern tribes, according to the usual exaggerated statements of the ancient travellers. Aulus Gellius also repeats this fable, B. ix. c. 4.—B.
908 These are the great apes, which are found in some of the Oriental islands; this name was given them from their salacious disposition, which, it would seem, they have manifested in reference to even the human species. We have an account of the Satyrs in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 21.—B.
909 We may suppose that this description is taken from some incorrect account of a large kind of ape; but it seems impossible to refer it to any particular species.—B.
910 “Sparrow,” or “ostrich-footed;” it does not appear that the commentators have attempted to explain this passage; may we not conjecture that it refers to the Chinese? With respect to the word employed, it has been generally derived from στροῦθος, “a sparrow;” Dalechamps, however, as it would appear, with much plausibility, thinks that it is derived from “struthio,” the ostrich.—B. It is not improbable, however, that these were so called, from the resemblance of their gait to that of a sparrow, as they would be unable to step out, and be obliged to jump from place to place.
911 Or “wandering tribes.”
913 In Eastern stories we find not uncommonly, wonderful effects attributed to the smell of the apple. See the Arabian Nights, passim.
914 Cuvier remarks, that these accounts of the Struthopodes, the Scyritæ, and the Atomi, are not capable of any explanation, being mere fables.—B.
915 From τρεῖς, “three,” and σπιθαμαὶ, “spans,” the span being about nine inches English.
916 He alludes to the wars between the Cranes and the Pygmies in the Iliad, B. iii. l. 3-6. Their story is also referred to by Ovid and Juvenal.
917 On the subject of the Pygmies, Cuvier remarks, “I am not surprised at finding the Pygmies in the works of Homer; but to find them in Pliny, I am surprised, indeed.”—B.
918 Or the “long livers,” from the Greek μακρὸς, “long,” and βίος, “life.”
919 Of course, there is no truth in this statement; there are, no doubt, various circumstances in these countries favourable to longevity; but these are more than counter-balanced by certain peculiarities in their mode of life, and by the fatal epidemics to which they are occasionally subject.—B.
920 Pliny, in B. xxix. c. 38, speaks of the use of vipers’ flesh as an article of diet, and gives some minute directions for its preparation. It was supposed to be peculiarly nutritive and restorative, and it has been prescribed for the same purpose by modern physicians. There is a medal in existence, probably struck by the Emperor Commodus, in order to commemorate the benefit which he was supposed to have derived from the use of the flesh of vipers.—B.
921 See B. ii. c. 75.
922 The cubitus and the palmus of the Romans, estimated, respectively, at about one foot and-a-half and three inches; this would make the height of these people eight feet.—B.
923 From the Greek Γυμνητὴς, “one who takes much exercise of the body.”
924 There appears to be no foundation for this statement.—B.
926 In many of the warmer climates, where the locusts are of large size and in great abundance, they are occasionally used as food; but we have no reason to believe that they constitute the sole, or even the principal article of the food of any tribe or people.—B.
927 In warm climates, the females arrive at maturity considerably earlier than in the more temperate regions, but the age here mentioned is an exaggeration. The female also, in such climates, ceases to bear at an earlier age, probably before the fortieth year.—B.
928 This is the Island of Ceylon, of which Pliny has given an account in the last Book, c. 24.
929 Such unnatural unions may have taken place occasionally, but nothing has ever been produced from them.—B.
930 This is a still greater exaggeration than that mentioned above, in Note 95.—B.
931 Cuvier remarks that this story must have been originally told with reference to the race of large apes. He says, however, that some men have the “os coccygis” greatly prolonged, and mentions a painter of celebrity in Paris who had this malformation. “But from this to an actual tail,” says he, “the distance is very great.” In these times we have the (perhaps doubtful) account by M. de Couret, of the Niam Niams, a race in Abyssinia or Nubia, with tails at least two inches in length. Few will fail to recollect Lord Monboddo’s theory, that mankind originally had tails, but wore them off in lapse of time by climbing up the trees.
932 As far as there is any truth in this account, it must refer to certain kinds of apes: but with respect to the size of the ears, it is, of course, greatly exaggerated.—B.
934 There are many tribes who live on the sea-coast, and who inhabit a barren country, with a bad climate, whose diet is almost confined to fish, and who feed their cattle on it. This is the case in some parts of Iceland, and even, to a certain extent, among the people of the Hebrides.—B.
936 Perhaps these appearances may be referred to effects of what is termed “mirage,” a phenomenon which is described by travellers in different parts of the torrid zone.—B. And in the temperate regions as well; Switzerland and the Hartz mountains, for instance.
937 Columella, B. viii. c. 8, speaks of the fecundity of the Egyptians, but without ascribing any particular cause for it.—B.
938 “Quinos.” The old reading was “binos,” “two” children only; but Aristotle, in reference, no doubt, to the same circumstance, says, Hist. Anim. B. vii., “One woman, at four births, gave birth to twenty children. For she brought forth five at a time, and the greater part of them were reared.”
939 It was a very general opinion, that the waters of the Nile possess the property of promoting fecundity. Seneca mentions it as an acknowledged fact, Nat. Quæst. B. iii. c. 25.—B.
940 There are well-authenticated accounts of four children having been produced at one birth; but, beyond this, we have no statements in which we can place much confidence. In a note by Dalechamps, we have an example of the credulity of the authors who have treated on this topic, as well modern as ancient.—B. In the recent volumes, however, of “Notes and Queries,” we find some apparently well-authenticated cases of women being delivered of five children at a birth. Nathaniel Wanley, in his “Wonders of the Little World,” also gives some apparently authentic instances of as many as five children being born at a birth: but we must be excused giving credit to the story, quoted by him, of Matilda or Margaret, Countess of Henneberg, who was said to have been delivered, on the Friday before Palm-Sunday, in 1276, “of 365 children, half sons and half daughters, with the exception of one, which was an hermaphrodite, all complete and well-fashioned, of the bigness of chickens new hatched, saith Camerarius.”
941 From Hermaphroditus, the son of Hermes or Mercury, and Aphrodite or Venus. According to the poetic story as told by Ovid, Met. B. iv., he was united in one body, which bore the characteristics of both sexes, with the nymph Salmacis.
942 Two cases of this description are mentioned by Livy, B. xxvii. c. 37, and B. xxxi. c. 12. In this latter passage, Livy enumerates the following prodigious births; among the Sabines, two children of doubtful sex; at Frusino, a lamb with a sow’s head; at Sinuessa, a pig with a human head; and among the Lucani, a foal with five feet. He informs us that the hermaphrodites were thrown into the sea.—B.
943 Cuvier says, “From time to time we do see persons of this nature; and it is not long ago that such a being was exhibited in Paris, though certainly not of a nature to have been ‘in deliciis,’ at the present day.”
944 Pliny gives further particulars of this theatre in B. xxxvi. c. 24. It was the first stone theatre erected at Rome, and was built B.C. 55, and contained 40,000 spectators.
945 Solinus, the ape of Pliny, absolutely takes the meaning of this passage to be, that Eutychis herself was exhibited on the stage by the orders of Pompey.
946 For Tralles, in Asia Minor, see B. v. c. 29.
947 Cuvier speaks of the wife of a porter at the Jardin du Roi, at Paris, who, to his knowledge, had been the mother of thirty children.
948 It seems doubtful whether Pliny means that the statue of Alcippe was also to be seen in the Theatre of Pompey. Tatianus tells the same story of one Glaucippe, and it is not improbable that under that name he refers to the same person. He says that a bronze statue of her was made by Niceretus, the Athenian. Hardouin suggests that this is the story alluded to by Livy, B. xxvii., and by Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 6, in their statement that, among other portents, a boy was born with the head of an elephant.
949 Cuvier remarks, that it is not an uncommon circumstance, both in man and in other animals, for an atrophy of the maxillary bones to cause the nose to sink down, and produce some resemblance to the trunk of an elephant. To this circumstance, he refers the tales met with, of women, sows, and dogs having produced elephants; see also Val. Maximus, B. vi. c. 5.—B.
950 As to this war, see B. ii. c. 85. The portents observed on this occasion were collected by the historian Sisenna, as we learn from Cicero, De Divin. B. ii.
951 We find that this incredible tale is not only told by Julius Obsequens, but, according to Dalechamps, by Cornelius Gemma, a comparatively modern writer.—B.
952 Cuvier remarks, that, in certain quadrupeds, individuals are occasionally born with the upper jaw preternaturally small, so much so, that the lower jaw, by its projection, bears some resemblance to a human chin. He had seen a case of this description at Geneva, in a calf, supposed, even by persons of information, to be the produce of an unnatural connection of a cow with a Savoyard shepherd. This subject is treated very philosophically by Lucretius, B. v. c. 876, et seq. With respect to the supposed Hippocentaur of Thessaly, Cuvier remarks upon the successive additions which the story had gained, in the writings of various authors. Cicero, in various parts of his writings, refers to the account of the Hippocentaur as a fabulous tale; Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 27; de Nat. Deor. B. i. c. 38, and B. ii. c. 2; De Divin. B. ii. c. 21.—B.
953 Consuls A.U.C. 581.
954 See B. iii. c. 9. Hardouin remarks that Aulus Gellius, in copying from this passage, seems to have read the word “Casini,” as though it were C. Asinii, meaning that the boy belonged to one C. Asinius. However, it is pretty clear that the reading adopted is the right one, Pliny having been careful to give the various localities at which these wonderful facts occurred.
955 Phlegon tells us that this happened in the first year of Nero, and that the name of the youth, while supposed to be a girl, was Philotis.
956 See B. v. c. 4, 5.
957 A case of this description is mentioned by Ambrose Paré. The individual was brought up as a girl, but, in consequence of a sudden muscular exertion, the organs of the male were developed, which had previously been concealed internally. It may be remarked, that a great proportion of the well-authenticated cases of a supposed change of sex have been from the female to the male, evidently of the kind mentioned by Paré, where the male organs have been concealed in childhood, and become subsequently developed. Cases, however, have occasionally occurred of the contrary kind, arising probably from the unusual size of the clitoris; there are also certain cases, where, from the malformation of the parts, the sex is actually doubtful, or where even a certain degree of the two may exist, as has been stated above, in Note 51 to Chapter 2. This paragraph of Pliny is quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B.
958 This does not correspond with the fact, as it exists in our time; a circumstance which may probably depend upon our improvement in the obstetrical art. Nor is the opinion, that both twins are less likely to live, if of different sexes, sanctioned by modern experience.—B.
959 “Feminas gigni celerius quam mares;” there has been much discussion among the commentators, both with respect to the meaning of these words, and the fact to which they are supposed to refer. Hardouin interprets the phrase, “crescere, perfici, vigere, adolescere;” Cuvier translates it, “les filles sont portées moins long-temps par leur mère.” There is, however, no foundation for this opinion as to a difference in the period of the gestation.—B.
960 There may be some ground for this opinion; it is maintained by Aristotle in his Hist. Anim.—B. As also by Galen.
961 This statement is made upon the authority of Hippocrates, Aphor. B. v. c. 48, and Aristotle, Hist. Anim.; but is probably without foundation.—B.
962 Animals have a certain period for generation, because they are more immediately affected by the seasons, whereas, in the human race, the arts of life render these fixed terms unnecessary.—B.
963 Notwithstanding all the observations of the moderns, the question is scarcely decided respecting the length of time to which pregnancy may be prolonged. Cuvier says, that the experiments of Tessier have shewn, that there is a greater latitude in animals than had previously been supposed; he also remarks, that the same animals when domesticated, become less regular in this respect than in the wild state.—B.
964 Dalechamps has collected authorities to prove, that a child may survive, when born even at an earlier period; but this, although not absolutely impossible, is improbable in the highest degree.—B.
965 Ajasson expresses himself at a loss to identify this Pomponius; but thinks that it may have been either Julius Pomponius Græcinus, consul A.U.C. 759, or L. Pomponius, consul A.U.C. 794, A.D. 41.
966 Caius Caligula. The name of this woman, who was first his mistress and then his wife, was Milonia Cæsonia. She was neither handsome nor young when Caligula first admired her: but was noted for her extreme licentiousness, and at the time when she first became intimate with Caligula, had already had three children. She and her daughter, by him, were put to death on the day on which he was murdered. Corbulo has been mentioned in B. vi. c. 8.
967 Celsus, B. ii. c. 1, speaks of the fortieth day, as one of the critical periods of childhood; the others are the seventh month, the seventh year, and the period of puberty.—B.
968 Who appears to have urged the great lapse of time that had intervened between the death of the alleged father and the birth of his opponent.
969 Questions of this nature, of great importance, involving property and title, have been the subject of judicial consideration in our times; the longest period to which pregnancy may be protracted seems still not to be determined, but the general result has been to shorten it. Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 16, has collected the opinions of many of the ancients on this subject.—B.
970 Most of the statements made in this Chapter appear to be taken from Aristotle’s History of Animals; they are, however, either without foundation or much exaggerated, and very incorrect.—B.
971 This opinion, although without foundation, is supported by the authority of Hippocrates, Aphor. B. v. c. 42.—B.
972 This singular opinion is referred to by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 16.—B.
973 Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 54, mentions the smell of an extinguished lamp, as producing abortion in a mare.—B.
974 “Tinctoria mens;” there has been much discussion, whether the text does not require correction here; and various conjectural emendations have been proposed, but not with much success. If the word “tinctoria” was employed by Pliny, it may be regarded as one of those bold, and somewhat metaphorical expressions, which are not unfrequently found in his writings.—B.
975 Valerius Maximus makes the same statement as to the death of Anacreon, and says that “having lived to an extreme old age, he was supporting his decayed strength by chewing raisins, when one grain, more obstinate than the rest, stuck in his parched throat, and so ended his life.” This story has been looked upon by some of the modern scholars as a fiction of the poets.
976 This explanation of the name is given by Aulus Gellius, B. xvi. c. 6.—B. It is very doubtful what are the roots from which it is formed; though Pliny evidently thinks that the word is only a corruption of the Latin “ægre partus,” “born with difficulty;” a notion savouring of absurdity.
977 M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus, having married his dissolute daughter, Julia. He was the son of Lucius Agrippa, and was descended from a very obscure family. He divorced his wife Marcella, to marry Julia, the widow of Marcellus, and the daughter of Augustus, by his third wife, Scribonia.
978 Agrippina, the daughter of Agrippa and Julia, was the mother of the Emperor Caligula; and of a second Agrippina, who became the mother of Nero, by whose order she was put to death.—B.
979 Julia, the daughter of Augustus, so notorious for her depravity, who, as already stated, was the wife of Agrippa.—B. See c. 46 of the present Book.
980 From cædo, “to cut,” apparently. The Cæsones were a branch of the Fabian family. There has been considerable difference of opinion among the commentators respecting the individuals referred to in this Chapter. The subject is discussed at length in the Notes of Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 62.—B. So in Macbeth, act v. sc. 7, Macduff says to Macbeth—
981 The commentators are not agreed respecting the origin of this name; Dalechamps suggests, that it was originally Opiscus, from ὀπίσθιον, “because one follows close upon another.”—B.
982 Hardouin says, that this is the case with the hare and the dasypus, which is a species of hare; but there is probably no foundation for the statement. Pliny repeats it in a subsequent passage, B. viii. c. 81.—B.
983 Pliny evidently considers this a case of superfœtation, and looks upon it as not uncommon in the human species: whereas it is now considered impossible.
984 This refers to the mythological tale of Jupiter and Amphitryon.—B.
985 See B. v. c. 44.
986 Most of these statements appear to be taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim.—B.
987 There has been much discussion respecting the meaning of this passage and the fact to which it refers. Aristotle, Hist. Anim., says, that marks made on the arm are transmitted for three generations; and Pliny, in B. xxii. c. 2, informs us, that the Daci and the Sarmatæ “make written marks upon their bodies.” The same custom prevails among the lower orders, sailors especially, in our own times. We may also remark the analogy which it hears to the practice of tattooing, so general among the Polynesian and other barbarous nations.—B.
988 The reader may be amused by a perusal of the collection of wonderful cases of this kind, which has been made by Dalechamps; see Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 65, note 4.—B.
989 Aristotle, in his History of Animals, relates a similar, but not the same, story; he says that it occurred in Sicily, though he afterwards speaks of it as having happened in Elis. It is conjectured by Ajasson, that the individual might have been born in Sicily, and have exhibited himself in Elis, as a wrestler. If we are really to believe that his complexion was that of an Æthiopian, it is much more probable that his mother may have had connection with a negro.—B.
990 Few readers will fail here to recall to mind the story about the clock, in the opening chapter of “Tristram Shandy.”
991 Dalechamps refers us to a remark of the same kind in Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 80; but Ajasson remarks, that the resemblance mentioned by Cicero refers to the mind and manners, not to the body; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 67.—B.
992 Aulus Gellius says, that he was one of the royal family.
993 This man resembled Antiochus III., surnamed the Great, to such a degree, that when that monarch had been slain in a tumult by his people, his wife, Laodice, daughter of Mithridates V., King of Pontus, put Artemon into a bed, pretending that he was the king, but dangerously ill. Many persons were admitted to see him; and all believed that they were listening to the words of their king, when he recommended to them Laodice and her children.
994 This circumstance is related by Valerius Maximus, but he speaks of Vibius as being “ingenuæ stirpis,” “of good family.”—B.
995 Hardouin expands the words “os probum,” into “liberale, venustum, gratum, venerandum, probandum,” B. xxxvii. c. 6.—B.
996 See B. xxxvii. c. 6.
997 The Latin word “strabo,” means “squinting,” or “having a cast” or “defect in the eye.”
998 The word “mimus” was applied by the Romans to a species of dramatic performance, as well as to the persons who acted in them. The Roman mimes were imitations of trivial and sometimes indecent occurrences in life, and scarcely differed from comedy, except in consisting more of gestures and mimicry than of spoken dialogue. Sylla was very fond of these performances, and they had more charms for the Roman populace than the regular drama. As to the mime Salvitto, here mentioned, see B. xxxv. c. 2.
999 This anecdote, and the one respecting Spinther and Pamphilus, are mentioned also by Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 24.—B.
1000 A celebrated orator and satirical writer of the time of Augustus and Tiberius. He is mentioned in the Index of authors at the end of B. xxxvi., where he is called Longulanus, as being a native of Longula, a town of Latium. It was even thrown in his teeth, that he was the offspring of adultery, and that this low-born person was his father.
1001 “Mirmillonis.” Many of the editions make this word to be a proper name, and “Armentarius” to signify the calling of the person described, as being a herdsman. The “Mirmillones” were a peculiar class of gladiators, said to have been so called from their having the image of a fish, called “mormyr,” on their helmets.
1002 We assume the sestertium to be equivalent to somewhat more than eight pounds sterling; this sum will be about £1600.—B.
1003 “Proscripter animus.” According to Hardouin, this means “delighting in proscription,” alluding to the well-known proscriptions of the triumvirate, in which Antony acted so conspicuous a part.—B.
1004 This opinion is maintained by Hippocrates, and by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 8, and is referred to by Lucretius, B. iv. c. 1242, et seq.—B.
1005 The case of Livia and that of Agrippina, referred to by Pliny, are mentioned by Suetonius, in the Life of Augustus, c. 63; and that of Caligula, c. 7.—B.
1006 M. Junius Silanus, consul under Claudius, A.D. 46, with Valerius Asiaticus. He was poisoned by order of the younger Agrippina, that he might not stand in the way of Nero.
1007 He is first mentioned in B.C. 168, when he was serving in the army of Æmilius Paulus, in Macedonia, and was sent to Rome with two other envoys to announce the defeat of Perseus. He united with the aristocracy in opposing the measures of the Gracchi; and the speech which he delivered against Tiberius Gracchus, is spoken of by Cicero in high terms, as replete with true eloquence.
1008 He left four sons and two daughters; some writers say three. The ten individuals, over and above his children and grandchildren, may have consisted of the wives and husbands of his sons and daughters then living, as also of others who had died in his lifetime.
1009 11th of April.
1010 See B. iii. c. 8.
1011 This fact is mentioned by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13. There is some variation in the spelling of the name of the son of Masinissa; Solinus calls him Mathumannus.—B.
1012 Hardouin gives a detailed account of the children of Cato, by which it appears that the Licinian branch descended from the issue by his wife Licinia, and the Saloniani, of whom Cato of Utica was one, from his son Salonianus, by his second wife, Salonia.—B.
1013 Volusius Saturninus is again mentioned in the 49th Chapter, as a remarkable instance of longevity; also by Tacitus, B. xiii. c. 30.—B.
1014 This reading seems preferable to sixty-second, adopted by Sillig; as there would be nothing very remarkable in a man becoming a father when sixty-two years of age.
1015 Some of the “simiæ” are subject to a periodical discharge, analogous to that of the human female; but, according to Cuvier, it is in smaller quantity, and not at stated periods. The females of various other animals, when in a state to receive the male, have a discharge from the same parts, but totally different in its properties, and the mode in which it makes its appearance. Virgil, Geor. B. iii. l. 280, et seq., refers to this subject.—B.
1016 Pliny makes some further remarks on these substances in a subsequent place, see B. x. c. 84; where he says they are produced without the intercourse of the male; this point has been much discussed, and is perhaps scarcely yet decided.—B.
1017 There is no actual resemblance between moles and schirri; they are produced by different causes, and exist in different parts of the body. Moles are always formed in the womb, and probably have some connection with the generative functions; while schirri are morbid indurations, which make their appearance in various parts of the body. Hippocrates gives some account of moles, in his work on the Diseases of Women. They are also noticed by Aristotle.—B.
1018 All the poisonous and noxious effects which were attributed by the ancients to the menstrual discharge, are without the slightest foundation. The opinions entertained on this point by the Jews, may be collected from Leviticus, c. xv. ver. 19, et seq. Pliny enlarges upon this subject in a subsequent place. See B. xxviii. c. 23.—B.
1019 Both Josephus, Bell. Jud. B. iv. c. 9, and Tacitus, Hist. B. v. c. 6, give an account of this supposed action of this fluid on the bitumen of Lake Asphaltites; the statement is no doubt entirely unfounded, but it is a curious instance of popular credulity.—B.
1020 There are still somewhat similar superstitions in existence, even in this country among others; it is not uncommonly believed that meat will not take salt from the hands of a female during the discharge of the catamenia.
1021 This statement is without foundation.—B.
1022 The fact is true, that females in whom the menstrual discharge does not take place, are seldom, if ever, capable of conception; but it does not depend on the cause here assigned. See the remarks of Cuvier, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 82, and Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 173.—B.
1023 Pliny clearly alludes to an opinion expressed by Galen, in which he says, “that if women while giving suck, have sexual intercourse, the milk becomes tainted.” Hardouin remarks, that Pliny shows considerable caution here in bringing forward Nigidius as the propounder of these opinions, the truth of which he himself seems to have doubted.
1024 It is generally admitted, that the female is more disposed to conceive just after the cessation of each periodical discharge. We are informed by the French historians, that their king, Henry II., and his wife Catharine, having been childless eleven years, made a successful experiment of this description, by the advice of the physician Fernel; see Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 83.—B.
1025 This is one of the many idle tales referred to by Pliny, entirely without foundation.—B.
1026 This account is correct, to the extent that the first teeth that appear are the two central incisors of the upper jaw; the next are the two lower central incisors, then the upper lateral incisors, the lower lateral incisors, and the upper and lower canines. The molars follow a different order, the lower ones appearing before the upper.—B.
1027 Hardouin mentions a number of authors who relate cases of this nature. It is said to have taken place with our king Richard III. See Shakespeare, Richard III., Act i. Scene 4. An individual of very different character and fortune, Louis XIV., is said to have been born with two teeth in the upper jaw.—B.
1028 A town of Latium; we learn from Livy, B. i. c. 53, that it was captured and plundered by Tarquinius Superbus, but he makes no mention of Valeria. See B. iii. c. 9.
1029 It is stated by Seneca, De Consol. c. 16, that Cornelia survived a large family of children, all of whom were carried off early in life; of these the two celebrated Gracchi, Tiberius and Caius, met with violent deaths. The peculiarity here referred to, probably consisted in an imperforated hymen, a mal-formation which not very unfrequently exists, and requires a surgical operation.—B.
1030 This circumstance is mentioned by Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B. We learn from Plutarch, that the same was the case also with Pyrrhus, king of Epirus: Euryphæus also, the Cyrenian, and Euryptolemus, the king of Cyprus. Herodotus, B. ix., speaks of a skull found on the plain of Platæa, with a similar conformation.
1031 Although the teeth, and especially their enamel, form the most indestructible substance which enters into the composition of the body, it is not absolutely so; a certain proportion of them consisting of animal matter, which is consumed, when exposed to a sufficient heat; the earthy part may also be dissolved by the appropriate chemical re-agents.—B.
1032 Powerful acids for instance; but they destroy the enamel. Lord Bacon recommends the ashes of tobacco as a whitener of the teeth; but that has been found to have a similar effect.
1033 We find in Haller, El. Phys. B. ix. c. 2, 4, 8, and in other physiologists, a minute account of the effects produced by the teeth in the articulation of the various letters which compose the alphabet.—B.
1034 See B. iii. c. 3, and B. iv. c. 35. He does not say how many teeth the Turduli naturally had, but no doubt he is mistaken.
1035 Pliny repeats this statement in B. xi. c. 63, and extends it to the females of the sheep, goat, and hog. In the natural condition of the mouth, the number of the teeth is the same in both sexes; but, according to the observations of Cuvier, what are called the “wisdom” teeth, though occasionally deficient in both sexes, are most frequently so in the female.—B.
1036 He seems to allude to the younger Agrippina, the mother of the emperor Domitius Nero; neither her life, her character, nor her ultimate fate seem, however, to have entitled her to be called a favourite of Fortune. Her mother, the first Agrippina, grand-daughter of Augustus, appears, on the other hand, to have been a woman of virtuous character, and spotless chastity, without a vice, with the exception, perhaps, of ambition.
1038 It was one of the tenets of the Stoics, that the world was to be alternately destroyed by water and by fire. The former element having laid it waste on the occasion of the flood of Deucalion, the next great catastrophe, according to them, is to be produced by fire. Pliny has previously alluded to this opinion, B. ii. c. 110.—B.
1039 Cuvier remarks, that in the alluvial tracts throughout Europe, Siberia, and America, and probably also in other parts of the world, bones have been found, which have belonged to very large animals, such as elephants, mastodons, and whales; and when discovered, the common people, and sometimes even anatomists, have mistaken them for the bones of giants. He especially mentions the case of the bones of an elephant, found near Lucerne, in the sixteenth century, and supposed by Plater to have belonged to a man seventeen feet in height. Cuvier conceives that no man in modern times has exceeded the height of seven feet, and even these cases are extremely rare; for further information he refers to his Recherches sur les Ossemens Fossiles. Some of the best authenticated facts of unusually tall men are in Buffon, Nat. Hist. vol. ii. p. 276, and vol. iii. p. 427.—B. The skeleton of O’Brien, in the Museum of the College of Surgeons, in London, is about seven feet and a half in height.
1040 The story of the birth of Orion is beautifully told by Ovid, Fasti, B. v. l. 493. et seq. He was often represented by the poets as of gigantic stature, and after his death was fabled to have been placed among the stars, where he appears as a giant. It is not improbable that, like the Cyclopes, Hercules, and Atlas, he may have been one of the earliest benefactors of mankind, and an assiduous improver of their condition; whence the story of his gigantic size.
1041 A gigantic son of Poseidon or Neptune, and Iphimedeia, one of the Alöeidæ.
1042 We have an account of this supposed discovery of the body of Orestes in Herodotus, B. i. c. 68, and a reference to it, with some pertinent remarks, in Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 10.—B.
1043 Il. B. v. l. 303, 4, B. xii. l. 449: this opinion of Homer was adopted by many of the Latin poets; for example, by Virgil, B. xii. l. 900; by Juvenal, Sat. xv. l. 69, 70; and by Horace, Od. B. iii. O. 6, sub finem.
1044 Columella speaks of Cicero as mentioning this Pollio, and stating that he was a foot taller than any one else. It is most probably in Cicero’s lost book, “De Admirandis,” that this mention was made of him.
1045 Hardouin supposes that this was not an individual name, but a term derived from the Hebrew, descriptive of his remarkable size.—B. He supposes also that not improbably this was the same individual that is mentioned by Tacitus, Annals, B. xii. c. 12, as Acharus, a king of the Arabians.
1046 According to our estimate of the Roman measures, this would correspond to about nine feet four and a half inches of our standard.—B.
1047 “Conditorio Sallustianorum.” The more general meaning attributed to the word “conditorium,” is “tomb” or burial-place. We learn from other sources that the famous “gardens of Sallust” belonged to the emperor Augustus, and it is not improbable that there was a museum there of curiosities, in which these remarkable skeletons were kept.
1048 “Loculis.” It is not quite clear whether this word has the meaning here of chest or coffin, or of a niche or cavity made in the wall of the tomb.
1049 Among the objects of curiosity which were exhibited by Augustus to the Roman people, as related by Suetonius, c. 43, was a dwarf named Lucius, who is there described; but he would appear to be a different person from any of those here mentioned.—B.
1050 Seneca also mentions him in his Consolation to Marcia, c. 23.
1051 The procurator of a province was an officer appointed by the Cæsar to perform the duties discharged by the quæstor in the other provinces.
1052 We have an ingenious dissertation by Ajasson, the object of which is to show, that the Tacitus here referred to, is not the historian, but his father, and consequently, that the boy prematurely born must have been the historian’s brother, not his son.—B.
1053 It is not clear whether Pliny intended to apply all these three observations to the female, or only the last of them; it appears, however, that the remark is, in either case, without foundation.—B. He appears to intend that his observations should apply more especially to the strength of the arm.
1054 This is incorrect; the human body, after death, does not float until decomposition has commenced, when it becomes more or less buoyant, in consequence of the formation of gases, which partially distend the cavities; but we do not observe any difference in the two sexes in this respect.—B.
1055 This statement is altogether incorrect.—B.
1056 The total abstinence from liquids in dropsy, was a point much insisted upon by medical practitioners, even in modern times; but it is now generally conceived to have been derived from a false theory, and not to be essential to the cure of the disease, while it imposes upon the patient a most severe privation. A moderate use of fluids is even favourable to the operation of the remedies that are employed in this disease.—B.
1057 From the Greek ἀγελαστὸς, “one who does not laugh.” Cicero refers to this peculiarity in the character of Crassus, in his treatise De Finibus, B. v. c. 92; and in the Tusc. Quest. B. iii. c. 3, he informs us, on the authority of Lucilius, that Crassus never laughed but once in his life.—B. And then, on seeing a donkey eating thistles; upon which he exclaimed, “Similem habent labia lactucam,” “Like lips, like lettuce.”
1058 “Without passion;” equivalent to our English word “apathetical.”—B.
1059 The daughter of M. Antony by Octavia. She was the mother of Germanicus Cæsar, and the grandmother of the emperor Caligula, whom she lived to see on the throne, and who is supposed to have hastened her death. She was celebrated for her beauty and chastity—a rare virtue in those days.
1060 Pliny, B. xxxi. c. 45, says, that this state of the bones is found in fishermen, from their being exposed to the action of the sea and salt water; but both the fact and the supposed cause are without foundation.—B.
1061 “Cornei.”
1062 It would appear that the Samnites were not only one of the most warlike people, with whom the Romans had to contest in the infancy of their state, but that they were particularly celebrated as gladiators.—B.
1063 The gladiators, called Samnites, were armed with the peculiar “scutum,” or oblong shield, used by the Samnites, a greave on the left leg, a sponger on the breast, and a helmet with a crest.
1064 The term “nervus” was generally applied by the ancients to the sinews or tendons; they had a very indistinct knowledge of what are properly called the “nerves.”—B.
1065 Pintianus suggests another reading here, which would appear to be much more consistent with probability. “Inermi dextrâ superatum, et uno digito postremo correptum in castra,” &c.—“Conquered him with the right hand, and that unarmed, and then with a single finger dragged him to the camp.”
1066 “Rusticellus.”