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The Philadelphia Negro: Chapter I: The Scope of This Study

The Philadelphia Negro
Chapter I: The Scope of This Study
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  1. The Philadelphia Negro
    1. Chapter I: The Scope of This Study
      1. 1: General Aim
      2. 2: The Methods of Inquiry
      3. 3: The Credibility of the Results
    2. Chapter II: The Problem
      1. 4: The Negro Problems of Philadelphia
      2. 5: The Plan of Presentment
    3. Chapter III: The Negro in Philadelphia, 1638-1820
      1. 6: General Survey
      2. 7: The Transplanting of the Negro, 1638-1760
      3. 8: Emancipation, 1760-1780
      4. 9: The Rise of the Freedmen, 1780-1820
    4. Chapter IV: The Negro in Philadelphia, 1820-1896
      1. 10: Fugitives and Foreigners, 1820-1840
      2. 11: The Guild of the Caterers, 1840-1870
      3. 12: The Influx of the Freedmen, 1870-1896
    5. Chapter V: The Size, Age and Sex of the Negro Population
      1. 13: The City for a Century
      2. 14: The Seventh Ward, 1896
    6. Chapter VI: Conjugal Condition
      1. 15: The Seventh Ward
      2. 16: The city
    7. Chapter VII: Sources of the Negro Population
      1. 17: The Seventh Ward
      2. 18: The City
    8. Chapter VIII: Education and Illiteracy
      1. 19: The History of Negro Education
      2. 20: The Present Condition
    9. Chapter IX: The Occupation of Negroes
      1. 21: The Question of Earning a Living
      2. 22: Occupations in the Seventh Ward
      3. 23: Occupations in the City
      4. 24: History of the Occupations of Negroes
    10. Chapter X: The Health of Negroes
      1. 25: The Interpretation of Statistics
      2. 26: The Statistics of the City
    11. Chapter XI: The Negro Family
      1. 27: The Size of the Family
      2. 28: Incomes
      3. 29: Property
      4. 30: Family Life
    12. Chapter XII: The Organized Life of Negroes
      1. 31: History of the Negro Church in Philadelphia
      2. 32: The Function of the Negro Church
      3. 33: The Present Condition of the Churches
      4. 34: Secret and Beneficial Societies and Cooperative Business
      5. 35: Institutions
      6. 36: The Experiment of Organization
    13. Chapter XIII: The Negro Criminal
      1. 37: History of Negro Crime in the City
      2. 38: Negro Crime Since the War
      3. 39: A Special Study in Crime
      4. 40: Some Cases of Crime
    14. Chapter XIV Pauperism and Alcoholism
      1. 41: Pauperism
      2. 42: The Drink Habit
      3. 43: The Causes of Crime and Poverty
    15. Chapter XV The Environment of the Negro
      1. 44: Houses and Rent
      2. 45: Sections and Wards
      3. 46: Social Classes and Amusements
    16. Chapter XVI: The Contact of the Races
      1. 47: Color Prejudice
      2. 48: Benevolence
      3. 49: The Intermarriage of the Races
    17. Chapter XVII: Negro Suffrage
      1. 50: The Significance of the Experiment
      2. 51: The History of Negro Suffrage in Pennsylvania
      3. 52: City Politics
      4. 53: Some Bad Results of Negro Suffrage
      5. 54: Some Good Results of Negro Suffrage
      6. 55: The Paradox of Reform
    18. Chapter XVIII: A Final Word
      1. 56: The Meaning of all This
      2. 57: The Duty of the Negroes
      3. 58: The Duty of the Whites
    19. Appendix A: Schedules Used in the House-to-House Inquiry
    20. Appendix B: Legislation, etc., of Pennsylvania in regard to the Negro
    21. Appendix C: Bibliography
  2. Special Report on Negro Domestic Service in the Seventh Ward
    1. Historical Note by Tera Hunter
    2. I: Introduction
    3. II: Enumeration of Negro Domestic Servants
      1. Recent Reform in Domestic Service
      2. Enumeration
    4. III: Sources of the Supply and Methods of Hiring
      1. Methods of Hiring
      2. Personnel of Colored Domestic Service
    5. IV: Grades of Service and Wages
      1. Work Required of Various Sub-Occupations
    6. V: Savings and Expenditure
      1. Assistance Given by Domestic Servants
      2. Summary
    7. VI: Amusements and Recreations
    8. VII: Length and Quality of Negro Domestic Service
    9. VIII: Conjugal Condition, Illiteracy and Health of Negro Domestics
      1. Conjugal Condition
      2. Health Statistics for Domestic Servants
    10. IX: Ideals of Betterment

CHAPTER I.

THE SCOPE OF THIS STUDY.

1. General Aim.—This study seeks to present the results of an inquiry undertaken by the University of Pennsylvania into the condition of the forty thousand or more people of Negro blood now living in the city of Philadelphia. This inquiry extended over a period of fifteen months and sought to ascertain something of the geographical distribution of this race, their occupations and daily life, their homes, their organizations, and, above all, their relation to their million white fellow-citizens. The final design of the work is to lay before the public such a body of information as may be a safe guide for all efforts toward the solution of the many Negro problems of a great American city.

2. The Methods of Inquiry.—The investigation began August the first, 1896, and, saving two months, continued until December the thirty-first, 1897. The work commenced with a house-to-house canvass of the Seventh Ward. This long narrow ward, extending from South Seventh street to the Schuylkill River and from Spruce street to South street, is an historic centre of Negro population, and contains to-day a fifth of all the Negroes in this city.1 It was therefore thought best to make an intensive study of conditions in this district, and afterward to supplement and correct this information by general observation and inquiry in other parts of the city.

Six schedules were used among the nine thousand Negroes of this ward ; a family schedule with the usual questions as to the number of members, their age and sex, their conjugal condition and birthplace, their ability to read and write, their occupation and earnings, etc. ; an individual schedule with similar inquiries; a home schedule with questions as to the number of rooms, the rent, the lodgers, the conveniences, etc. ; a street schedule to collect data as to the various small streets and alleys, and an institution schedule for organizations and institutions ; finally a slight variation of the individual schedule was used for house-servants living at their places of employment. 2

This study of the central district of Negro settlement furnished a key to the situation in the city ; in the other wards therefore a general survey was taken to note any striking differences of condition, to ascertain the general distribution of these people, and to collect information and statistics as to organizations, property, crime and pauperism, political activity, and the like. This general inquiry, while it lacked precise methods of measurement in most cases, served nevertheless to correct the errors and illustrate the meaning of the statistical material obtained in the house-to-house canvass.

Throughout the study such official statistics and historical matter as seemed reliable were used, and experienced persons, both white and colored, were freely consulted.

3. The Credibility of the Results.—The best available methods of sociological research are at present so liable to inaccuracies that the careful student discloses the results of individual research with diffidence ; he knows that they are liable to error from the seemingly ineradicable faults of the statistical method, to even greater error from the methods of general observation, and, above all, he must ever tremble lest some personal bias, some moral conviction or some unconscious trend of thought due to previous training, has to a degree distorted the picture in his view. Convictions on all great matters of human interest one must have to a greater or less degree, and they will enter to some extent into the most cold-blooded scientific research as a disturbing factor.

Nevertheless here are social problems before us demanding careful study, questions awaiting satisfactory answers. We must study, we must investigate, we must attempt to solve ; and the utmost that the world can demand is, not lack of human interest and moral conviction, but rather the heart-quality of fairness, and an earnest desire for the truth despite its possible unpleasantness.

In a house-to-house investigation there are, outside the attitude of the investigator, many sources of error: misapprehension, vagueness and forgetfulness, and deliberate deception on the part of the persons questioned, greatly vitiate the value of the answers; on the other hand, conclusions formed by the best trained and most conscientious students on the basis of general observation and inquiry are really inductions from but a few of the multitudinous facts of social life, and these may easily fall far short of being essential or typical.

The use of both of these methods which has been attempted in this study may perhaps have corrected to some extent the errors of each. Again, whatever personal equation is to be allowed for in the whole study is one unvarying quantity, since the work was done by one investigator, and the varying judgments of a score of census-takers was thus avoided.3

Despite all drawbacks and difficulties, however, the main results of the inquiry seem credible. They agree, to a large extent, with general public opinion, and in other respects they seem either logically explicable or in accord with historical precedents. They are therefore presented to the public, not as complete and without error, but as possessing on the whole enough reliable matter to serve as the scientific basis of further study, and of practical reform.


1 I shall throughout this study use the term “Negro,” to designate all persons of Negro descent, although the appellation is to some extent illogical. I shall, moreover, capitalize the word, because I believe that eight million Americans are entitled to a capital letter.

2 See Appendix A for form of schedules used.

3 The appended study of domestic service was done by Miss Isabel Eaton, Fellow of the College Settlements Association. Outside of this the work was done by the one investigator.

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Chapter II: The Problem
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