1987 The wool of Laodicea is celebrated by Strabo, B. xii.—B.
1988 Columella, B. vii. c. 2, particularly notices the excellence of the wool of Altinum, situate near the mouth of the Padus or Po. The following epigram of Martial, B. xiv. c. 155, may be presumed to convey the opinion of the respective merits of the different kinds of wool; it is entitled “Lanæ albæ:” “Velleribus primis Apulia; Parma secundis Nobilis; Altinum tertia laudat ovis.” “Apulia is famed for its fleeces of the first quality, Parma for the second, while Altinum is praised for those of the third.”—B.
1989 About twelve shillings sterling.—B.
1990 Varro remarks, B. ii. c. 2, that the term “vellus,” obviously from “vello,” “to pluck,” proves that the wool was anciently plucked from the sheep, before shearing had been invented.—B.
1991 “Quas nativas appellant.” The term “nativa,” as applied to the wool, has been supposed to refer to those fleeces that possess a natural colour, and do not require to be dyed.—B.
1992 Martial, B. xiv. Ep. 157, calls the fleeces of Pollentia “lugentes,” “mournful,” from their black colour; they are also mentioned by Columella, ubi supra, and by Silius Italicus, B. viii. l. 599.—B.
1993 Martial, B. v. c. 37, describing the charms of a lady, says, “surpassing with her locks the fleece of the Bætic sheep,” no doubt referring to the colour. In another Epigram, B. xii. E. 200, he speaks of the “aurea vellera,” the “golden fleece” of Bætis.—B.
1994 Martial has two Epigrams on the wool of Canusium, B. xiv. E. 127, and E. 129. In the former it is designated as “fusca,” tawny; in the latter, “rufa,” red.—B.
1995 “Suæ pulliginis.”—B.
1996 The term here used, “succidus,” is explained by Varro, B. ii. c. 11: “While the newly-clipped wool has the sweat in it, it is called ‘succida.’” See B. xxix. c. 9.
1997 “Pexis vestibus.” According to Hardouin, the “pexa vestis,” was worn by the rich, and had a long and prominent nap, in contradistinction to the smooth or worn cloths. He refers to a passage in Horace, B. i. Ep. i. l. 95, and to one in Martial, B. ii. E. 58, which appear to sanction this explanation. See Lem. vol. iii. p. 524.—B.
1998 See B. iv. c. 35.
1999 See B. iii. c. 5. Now Pezenas.
Od. B. iv. l. 427. “And to throw on fair coverlets of purple, and to lay carpets upon them.”
2001 These were probably much like what we call “Turkey” carpets.
2002 The name given to this article, “lana coacta,” “compressed wool,” correctly designates its texture. The manufacturers of it were called “lanarii coactores,” and “lanarii coactiliarii.”
2003 “I have macerated unbleached flax in vinegar saturated with salt, and after compression have obtained a felt, with a power of resistance quite comparable with that of the famous armour of Conrad of Montferrat; seeing that neither the point of a sword, nor even balls discharged from fire-arms, were able to penetrate it.” Memoir on the substance called Pilina, by Papadopoulo-Vretos, on the Mem. presented to the Royal Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, 1845, as quoted by Littré.
2004 Pliny probably conceived that by the removal of all the grease from the wool, or the “purgamentum,” it became less combustible.—B.
2005 “Tomentum;” an Epigram of Martial, B. xiv. E. 160, explains the meaning of this word.—B.
2006 See B. xix. c. 2.
2007 Probably in the form of what we call “palliasses.”
2008 The “gausapa,” or “gausapum,” was a kind of thick cloth, very woolly on one side, and used especially for covering tables, beds, and making cloaks to keep out the wet and cold. The wealthier Romans had it made of the finest wool, and mostly of a purple colour. It seems also to have been sometimes made of linen, but still with a rough surface.
2009 From ἀμφίμαλλα, “napped on both sides.” They probably resembled our baizes or druggets, or perhaps the modern blanket.
2010 Pliny again makes mention of the “ventrale,” or apron, in B. xxvii. c. 28.
2011 He seems to allude here to the substance of which the laticlave tunic was made, and not any alteration in its cut or shape. Some further information on the laticlave or broad-striped tunic will be found in B. x. c. 63.
2012 About the time of Augustus, the Romans began to exchange the “toga,” which had previously been their ordinary garment, for the more convenient “lacerna” and “pænula,” which were less encumbered with folds, and better adapted for the usual occupations of life.—B.
2014 See B. xxi. c. 12.
2015 This deity was also called Sangus, or Semo Sancus; and Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. c. 216, et seq., gives us much information concerning him. He was of Sabine origin, and identical with Hercules and Dius Fidius. If we may judge from the derivation of the name, it is not improbable that he presided over the sanctity of oaths. His temple at Rome was on the Quirinal, opposite to that of Quirinus, and near the gate which from him derived the name of “Sanqualis porta.” He was said to have been the father of the Sabine hero Sabus.
2016 According to the commonly received account, Tanaquil was the wife of Tarquinius Priscus, and a native of Etruria; when she removed to Rome, and her husband became king, her name was changed to Caia Cæcilia.—B.
2017 “Undulata;” it has been suggested that this means the same as our stuffs which we term “watered.”—B.
2018 “Tunica recta;” according to Festus, it was “so called from being woven perpendicularly by people standing.”—B. It probably means woven from top to bottom and cross-wise in straight lines.
2019 “Toga pura;” so called from being white, without a mixture of any other colour.
2020 “Sororiculata;” there is much uncertainty respecting the derivation of this word and its meaning, but it is generally supposed to signify some kind of stuff, composed of a mixture of different ingredients or of different colours.—B. “Orbiculata,” “with round spots,” is one reading, and probably the correct one.
2021 According to Hardouin, these were cloths which imitated the crisp and prominent hair of the Phryxian fleece, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 529. Some editions read “Phrygianas.”
2022 “Papaverata;” there is considerable difficulty in ascertaining the meaning of this word, as applied to garments. Pliny, in two other passages, speaks of a certain species of poppy—“from this, linens receive a peculiar whiteness,” B. xix. “From this, linens receive a brilliant whiteness in time,” B. xx. c. 78. It would appear, in these cases, that the fibres of the stem of the poppy were mixed with the flax; though, perhaps, this would be scarcely practicable with wool.—B.
2023 The prætexta is described by Varro as a white toga, with a purple band; it was worn by males, until their seventeenth year, and by young women until their marriage.—B.
2024 The trabea differed from the prætexta, in being ornamented with stripes (trabes) of purple, whence its name.—B.
2025 Helen is introduced, Il. B. iii. l. 125, weaving an embroidered garment, in which were figured the battles of the Greeks and Trojans. It was probably somewhat of the nature of modern tapestry.—B.
2027 This passage, in which the needle is said to have been used, proves that when the word “pictæ” is applied to garments, it is equivalent to our term “embroidered.”—B.
2028 Pliny refers to the “Attalica tunica,” B. xxxiii. c. 29, and to the “Attalica vestis,” B. xxxvi. c. 20, and B. xxxvii. c. 6; Propertius speaks of “Attalica aulæa,” B. ii. c. 32, l. 12, “Attalicas torus,” B. ii. c. 13, l. 22, and B. iv. c. 5, l. 24, and “Attalicæ vestes,” B. iii. c. 18, l. 19.—B.
2029 Plautus, Stich. A. ii. s. 2, l. 54, speaks of “Babylonica peristromata, consuta tapetia,” “Babylonian hangings, and embroidered tapestry;” and Martial, B. viii. Ep. 28, l. 17, 18, of “Babylonica texta,” “Babylonian textures.”—B.
2030 From Martial’s epigram, entitled “Cubicularia polymita,” B. xiv. Ep. 150, we may conclude that the Egyptian polymita were formed in a loom, and of the nature of tapestry, while the Babylonian were embroidered with the needle. Plautus probably refers to the Egyptian tapestry, in the Pseud. A. i. s. 2, l. 14, “Neque Alexandrina belluata conchyliata tapetia”—“Nor yet the Alexandrine tapestries, figured over with beasts and shells.”
2031 “Scutulis divider.” This term may mean “squares,” “diamonds,” or “lozenges,” something like the segments into which a spider’s web is divided. It is not improbable that he alludes here to the plaids of the Gallic nations.
2032 We have an account of this contention in Plutarch, and we may presume that this accusation was produced at that time.—B.
2033 The first sum amounts to about £4,600 sterling, the latter to £23,000.—B.
2034 The following lines in Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 569, et seq., have been supposed to refer to this temple, and prove that the account of it is correct.
“The same day is thine, O Fortune; the same the builder, the same the site. But who is this that lies hid beneath the garments covering him? It is Servius.”
2035 Perhaps “changed their colour” may be a better translation of “defluxisse.”
2036 “Sesquipedalibus libris.” It seems impossible to translate this literally. Hardouin explains it by supposing that the fleeces were dyed in strips of three colours, each strip being half a foot in breadth, and that three of these required a pound of the dyeing materials.—B.
2037 Pliny probably took this from Varro, B. ii. c. 2. This term is derived from πείκω, “to shear,” with the negative prefix.—B.
2038 The word “cubitales” alone is used, which might be supposed to refer only to the length of the tail; but Hardouin conceives that it must also apply to the breadth, and refers to Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, and others, in proof of the great size which the tails of the Syrian sheep attain, and which would not be indicated by merely saying that they are a cubit long; this being little more than the ordinary length in other countries.—B.
2039 According to Hardouin, this term, or some word nearly resembling it, was applied to mules or mongrels, as well as to individual animals of diminutive size or less perfect form.—B. Called “moufflon” by the French.
2040 The term “umbri” appears to have been applied to a mongrel or less perfect animal; like “musmon,” it is of uncertain derivation.—B.
2042 This remark, and the others in the remainder of this Chapter, appear to be taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3.—B.
2043 We have an account of the generation of the goat in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 19. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 38, says that the goats of Egypt sometimes produce five young ones at a birth.—B.
2044 Columella, B. vii. c. 6, gives a somewhat different account; he says, “Before its sixth year it is old—so that when five years old, it is not suitable for coupling.”—B.
2045 According to Columella, ubi supra, “Because those with horns are usually troublesome, from their uncertainty of temper.”—B.
2046 There has been considerable difference of opinion respecting the reading of the original, whether the word “utiles,” or “inutiles,” was the one here employed. Hardouin conceives it was the latter, and endeavours to reconcile the sense with this reading; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 538, 539. But, notwithstanding his high authority, there is still great doubt on the matter.—B.
2047 “Infractis,” probably in contradistinction to erect ears. Columella, ubi supra, terms them, “flaccidis et prægrandibus auribus”—“flaccid ears, and very large.”—B.
2048 “Laciniæ;” Varro, B. ii. c. 3, describes them as “mammulas pensiles;” Columella, ubi supra, calls them “verruculas;” he, however, assigns this appendage to the male goat.—B.
2049 The word “mutilus” is employed, which Hardouin interprets, “having had the horns removed.” But the same word is applied by Columella, B. vii. c. 6, to an animal naturally without horns.—B.
2050 On this reference to Archelaus, Dalechamps remarks that he is incorrect; but refers to Varro, ubi supra, who ascribes this opinion to Archelaus; Lemaire. vol. iii. p. 540.—B.
2051 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 9, refers to this opinion, as being erroneous; Ælian. Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 53, supposes that they breathe both through the nose and the ears.—B.
2052 Varro, ubi supra, remarks, “that no one in his senses speaks of a goat in health; for they are never without fever.”
2053 Meaning those who cannot see at night, who have a weak sight, and therefore require a strong light to distinguish objects. See also, as to the Nyctalopes, B. xxviii. c. 47. The same remedy, the liver of the goat, is recommended for its cure.—B. See also B. xxviii. c. 11.
2054 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, says that the inhabitants of Cilicia shear the goats in the same manner as the sheep.—B.
2055 This is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3.—B.
2056 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3, refers to the beard of the goat, under the name of ἤρυγγον.
2057 According to Hardouin, the herb referred to is the “eryngium;” probably the “eringo:” he cites various authorities in support of his opinion.—B.
2058 This is repeated in B. xvii. c. 24.—B.
2059 Varro, B. i. c. 2, says: “Hence it is that they sacrificed no goats to Minerva, on account of the olive;” he then explains why the circumstance of the goat injuring the olive-tree was a reason for not offering it in sacrifice to Minerva, the patroness of this tree. Ovid, on the other hand, in the Fasti, B. i. l. 360, says that the goat was sacrificed to Bacchus, because it gnawed the vine.
2060 We have an account of the hog in Varro, B. ii. c. 4, from whom most of Pliny’s remarks are probably derived.—B.
2061 Varro, B. ii. c. 4, and Columella, B. vii. c. 9. fix upon the seventh year.—B.
2062 Varro, and Columella, ubi supra, recommend that the sow should not be allowed to rear more than eight young ones at each birth.—B.
2063 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 13.—B.
2064 Varro, ubi supra, says on the tenth day; Hardouin endeavours to prove that the number in Varro was originally five.—B.
2065 The term “bidens,” employed by Pliny, although it literally means “having two teeth,” has been referred to the age of the animal, as indicated rather by the respective size of the teeth than by their number. It has been supposed to designate an animal of two years old, when the canine teeth of the lower jaw had become prominent.—B.
2066 This is also referred to by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 18, but is without foundation.—B.
2067 Aristotle, ubi supra, B. viii. c. 26. It is mentioned as a frequent occurrence by Plautus, Trinum. A. ii. s. 4, l. 139.—B.
2068 Columella, B. vii. c. 10, gives directions for the treatment of hogs affected with scrofula. The name of the disease has been supposed to be derived from the frequency of its occurrence in this animal, anciently called “scrofa.”
2069 It may appear unnecessary to refer to authorities on this subject, which is a matter of daily observation; it has, however, been stated by some naturalists, that the hog, in its wild state, does not exhibit any of the filthy propensities so generally observed in it when domesticated.—B.
2070 This saying is found in Varro, B. ii. c. 4; it is referred to by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. ii. c. 64, and ascribed to Chrysippus; “ne putisceret, animam ipsam pro sale datam.”—B. “That they are only of use for their flesh, which is kept from putridity by their life, which acts as salt.”
2071 Pliny speaks of this more at large in B. xxviii. c. 60.—B.
2072 This operation, and the effect of it, are mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 79, and by Columella, B. vii. c. 9.—B.
2073 There were three Romans of this name, celebrated for their skill in gastronomy; of these the most illustrious lived in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. A treatise (probably spurious) is extant, to which his name is attached, entitled “De Arte Culinariâ”—“On the Art of Cookery.” Pliny refers to him again, B. xix. c. 41, and he is mentioned by many others of the classical writers.—B.
2074 See B. x. c. 1. A much more cruel mode of increasing the liver of this animal, by confining it in hot ovens, is practised at the present day, to satisfy the palate of the admirers of the Strasburg patés de foies gras.
2075 Pliny, in B. ix. c. 66, employs the expression “tonsillæ in homine, in sue glandulæ,” as if he considered them analogous parts.—B. See Plautus passim.
2076 Publius Syrus was a comic performer and a writer, who acquired considerable celebrity; he lived during the reign of Augustus.—B.
2077 “Aprugnum callum;” Plautus, in detailing the preparations for a feast, enumerates the following articles, “pernam, callum, glandium, sumen;” Pseudolus, A. i. s. 2, l. 32; all of which are parts of the hog.
2078 “Ponebatur.” Littré and Ajasson render this, “placed at table.” It would appear, however, that the meaning is that this part was put by for salting, and the other parts were served at table while fresh.
2079 “Vivaria;” Varro, B. iii. c. 12, and Aulus Gellius, B. ii. c. 20, give an account of the different places which were employed by the Romans for preserving animals of various descriptions, with their appropriate designations. Varro names the inventor Fulvius Lippinus.—B.
2080 Varro, B. iii. c. 13, gives an animated description of a visit to what he calls the leporarium of Hortensius, where, besides hares, as the name implies, there was a multitude of stags, boars, and other four-footed animals.
2081 Ælian, De Anim. Nat. B. xvi. c. 37, says, that no boar, either wild or tame, is produced in India, and that the Indians never use the flesh of this animal, as they would regard the use of it with as much horror as of human flesh.—B. The “Sus babiroussa” is probably meant by Pliny.
2082 There has been some difference of opinion respecting the derivation of this word, but it is generally used to express a “mongrel,” i. e. an animal whose parents are of different natures, or, when applied to the human species, of different countries.—B.
2084 It is not easy to determine what animals Pliny intended to designate. Cuvier employs the terms “chevreuils, chamois, and bouquetins,” as the corresponding words in the French. In English we have no names to express these varieties; we may, however, regard them generally, as different species of wild goats. Cuvier conceives that the Linnæan names of the animals mentioned were, probably, Cervus capreolus, Antelope rupicapra, and Capra ibex.—B.
2085 The resemblance may be supposed to consist in the horns being hollow, and tapering to a point.—B.
2086 There is considerable difficulty in ascertaining the correct reading, or the exact meaning which the writer intended to convey by the words employed.—B.
2087 There is some difficulty in determining the nature of the variety which Pliny terms “oryges;” Hardouin has collected the opinions of naturalists, and we have some remarks by Cuvier; he refers to Buffon’s account of the Antelope oryx, as agreeing, in the essential points, with the description given by Pliny; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 554. See B. xi. c. 106.
2088 Cuvier remarks, that there is some doubt respecting the dama of Pliny; he is, however, disposed to regard it as a species of antelope. Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 464, 465; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 554.—B.
2089 The term pygargus is derived from the words πυγὴ ἀργὸς, denoting “white buttocks.” Probably a kind of gazelle.
2090 “With twisted horns.” It is probable that Pliny intended to designate a species of antelope.—B. See B. xi. c. 45.
2091 In this division Pliny, probably, included what he has termed the “capræa,” the rupicapra, and the ibex.—B.
2092 Some of these animals are entirely without a tail, and this circumstance has been employed to form the primary division of the simiæ into the two species, those with and those without tails. We have an epigram of Martial, in which this is referred to. “Si mihi cauda foret, cercopithecus eram”—“If I had but a tail, I should be a monkey.” B. iv. Ep. 102.—B. See B. xi. c. 100.
2093 We learn from Strabo, Ind. Hist. B. xv., that, in catching the monkey, the hunters took advantage of the propensity of these animals to imitate any action they see performed. “Two modes,” he says, “are employed in taking this animal, as by nature it is taught to imitate every action, and to take to flight by climbing up trees. The hunters, when they see an ape sitting on a tree, place within sight of it a dish full of water, with which they rub their eyes; and then, slyly substituting another in its place, full of bird-lime, retire and keep upon the watch. The animal comes down from the tree, and rubs its eyes with the bird-lime, in consequence of which the eyelids stick together, and it is unable to escape.” Ælian also says, Hist. Anim. B. xvii. c. 25, that the hunters pretend to put on their shoes, and then substitute, in their place, shoes of lead; the animal attempts to imitate them, and, the shoes being so contrived, when it has once got them on, it finds itself unable to take them off, or to move, and is consequently taken.
2094 There has been some difficulty in ascertaining the exact reading here; but the meaning seems to be, that the pieces were made of wax, and that the animals had learned to distinguish them from each other, and move them in the appropriate manner; how far this is to be credited, it is not easy to decide, but it would certainly require very strong and direct evidence. We are told that the Emperor Charles V. had a monkey that played at chess with him.—B.
2095 In the original, termed “cynocephali,” “dog’s-headed;” an appellation given to them, according to Cuvier, from their muzzle projecting like that of a dog; we have an account of this species in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 13.—B. Probably the baboon. See B. vi. c. 35, and B. vii. c. 2. The satyr is, perhaps, the uran-utang. See B. v. c. 8, and B. vii. c. 2.
2096 Or “fine-haired monkey;” supposed to be the Silenus of Linnæus; it is described by Buffon, under the name of Callitrix.—B. It seems to be also called the “Simia hamadryas.”
2097 Hardouin gives references to the authors who have observed this change in the colour of the hare, apparently depending upon the peculiar locality, and its consequent exposure to a low temperature. Cuvier considers it as characteristic of a peculiar species, the Lepus variabilis, “which being peculiar to the highest mountains, and the regions of the north, is white in winter.”—B.
2098 Or coney, “cuniculus.” Hardouin makes some observations upon the derivation of this term, to show that Pliny was mistaken in supposing it to be of Spanish origin; we have also an observation of Cuvier’s to the same effect.—B.
2099 “Laurices;” we have no explanation of this word in any of the editions of Pliny. Its origin appears to be quite unknown.
2100 According to Cuvier, the Mustela furo of Linnæus. Ajasson, ubi supra.—B.
2101 Because, as Varro says, De Re Rus. B. iii. c. 12, they are in the habit of making burrows—cuniculos—in the earth.
2102 This reference to the opinion of Archelaus appears to be from Varro, ubi supra; the same reference is made by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 2.—B.
2103 Respecting the dasypus of Pliny, it has been doubted whether it be a distinct species, a variety of the hare, or merely a synonyme.—B.
2104 It is by some contended, that the human female, and perhaps some other animals, have occasionally been the subjects of what is termed superfœtation; whereas, according to Pliny, in the hare and the dasypus it takes place frequently, but in no other animals.—B. On this subject, see B. vii. c. 9.
2105 This is referred to by Cicero, in his treatise, De Divinatione, B. i. c. 44, and B. ii. c. 27; in the latter he treats it as an idle tale.—B.
2106 See B. iii. c. 8.
2107 C. Papirius Carbo, a contemporary and friend of the Gracchi. In B.C. 119, the orator, Licinius Crassus, brought a charge against him, the nature of which is not known; but Carbo put an end to his life, by taking cantharides.
2108 These different species are thus characterized by Cuvier: “Les premiers sont les souris et les rats, de formes ordinaires; les seconds, les grandes musaraignes [shrew-mice] de la taille du rat, telles que l’on en trouve en Egypte; les troisiemes, une espece de souris particuliere à l’Egypte, et peut-être à la Barbarie, armée d’epines parmi ses poils dont Aristote avait deja parlé (B. vi. l. 37, cap. ult.) et que M. Geoffroy a retrouvée et nommée mus cahirinus.” Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 467, and Lemaire, ubi supra.—B. See B. viii. c. 55, and B. x. c. 85.
2109 Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11, mentions this circumstance, but says that it occurred in the island of Paros. For Gyara, see B. iv. c. 23.
2110 We have two passages in Livy, B. xxvii. and B. xxx., where gold is said to have been gnawed by mice.—B.
2111 See B. iii. c. 9. In B.C. 217, this place was occupied by Fabius with a strong garrison, to prevent Hannibal from passing the Vulturnus; and the following year, after the battle of Cannæ, was occupied by a small body of Roman troops, who, though little more than 1000 in number, withstood the assaults of Hannibal during a protracted siege, until compelled by famine to surrender.
2112 This sum would be about £7.—B.
2113 It is by no means improbable that “occentus” here means “singing,” and not merely “squeaking;” as the singing of a mouse would no doubt be deemed particularly ill-boding in those times. At the present day, a mouse has been heard to emit a noise which more nearly resembled singing than squeaking; and a “singing mouse” has been the subject of an exhibition more than once.
2114 We have frequent allusions to this occurrence in the writings of the Romans, some of which are referred to by Dalechamps; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 563.—B.
2115 A.U.C. 639; it does not appear what was the cause of this prohibition.—B.
2116 See B. xxxvi. c. 2.
2117 Fulvius Lupinus, as already stated in c. 78.—B.
2118 “Nitelis.” See B. xvi. c. 69. Probably the animal now known as the Myoxus nitela of Linnæus.
2119 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 33.—B.
2120 According to Hardouin, this forest is termed, in modern times, Bosco di Baccano; it is nine miles S.W. of Rome.
2121 Cuvier informs us, that “Le dorcas des Grecs n’est le daim, comme le dit Hardouin, mais le chevreuil; car Aristote (De Partib. Anim. l. iii. c. 2) dit que c’est le plus petit des animaux à cornes que nous connaissions (sans doute en Grèce); et le dorcas Libyca, très-bien decrit par Ælien (l. xiv. c. 4), est certainement la gazelle commune, ‘antelope dorcas,’” Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 467, 468; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 565. Respecting the localities here mentioned, it has been proposed to substitute Cilicia for Syria, Syria and Lycia being at a considerable distance from each other.—B.
2122 See B. v. c. 39.
2123 See B. v. c. 38.
2125 Ælian, B. ii. c. 37, gives the same account of the frogs of Seriphos and the lake of Thessaly, but gives the name of Pierus to the lake.—B.
2126 “Mus araneüs; the ‘shrew-mouse,’” according to Cuvier, “La musaraigne n’est pas venimeuse. Il s’en faut beaucoup qu’elle n’existe pas au nord des Apennins; et elle ne périt point passe qu’elle a traversé une ornière, quoique souvent elle puisse y être écrasée. C’est un des quadrupèdes que l’on tue le plus aisément par un coup léger.” Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 468.—B.
2127 Ælian, B. iii. c. 32, gives the same account, which he professes to have taken from Theophrastus.—B.
2128 This is also stated by Ælian.
2129 B. xi. c. 23, and B. xxix. c. 27.—B.
2130 See B. iv. c. 20.
2131 “Attagenæ;” the commentators have suspected some inaccuracy with respect to this word, as we have no other remarks on birds in this part of Pliny’s work; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 567, 568.—B.
2132 See B. iv. c. 9.
2133 See B. v. c. 31.
2134 More especially of trees, plants, flowers, medicinal substances, metals, and gems, which form the most prominent subjects of the remaining Books after the eleventh, which concludes the account of the animals.—B.
2135 See end of B. ii.
2136 A Roman historian, and a contemporary of Cicero. He is thought to have written on early Roman history, as Varro quotes his account of the Curtian Lake, and on the later history of Rome, as we have seen Pliny referring to him in c. 2, respecting Pompey’s triumph on his return from Africa. He was held in high estimation by Pomponius Atticus, but seems not to have been so highly esteemed as a writer by Cicero.
2137 See end of B. iii.
2138 See end of B. ii.
2139 Of this writer nothing seems to be known. He probably flourished in the reign of Tiberius or Caligula.
2140 See end of B. iii.
2141 A Roman historian, who flourished in the reign of Augustus, and died A.D. 21, in the seventieth year of his age. His great work was called “Annales,” and extended to at least twenty-two books, and seems to have contained much minute, though not always accurate, information with regard to the internal affairs of the city; only a few fragments remain, which bear reference to events subsequent to the Carthaginian wars. He is also thought to have written a work called “Epitomæ.” A treatise was published at Vienna, in 1510, in two Books, “On the Priesthood and Magistracy of Rome,” under the name of Fenestella; but it is in reality the composition of Andrea Domenico Fiocchi, a Florentine jurist of the fourteenth century.
2143 See end of B. v.
2144 L. Junius Moderatus Columella. He was a native of Gades, or Cadiz, and was a contemporary of Celsus and Seneca. He is supposed to have resided at Rome, and from his works it appears that he visited Syria and Cilicia. It has been conjectured that he died at Tarentum. His great work is a systematic treatise upon Agriculture, divided into Twelve Books.
2146 See end of B. ii.
2147 C. Lucilius, the first Roman satirical poet of any importance, was born B.C. 148, and died B.C. 103. From Juvenal we learn that he was born at Suessa of the Aurunci, and from Velleius Paterculus and Horace other particulars respecting him. He is supposed to have been either the maternal grand-uncle or maternal grandfather of Pompeius Magnus. If not absolutely the inventor of Roman satire, he was the first to mould it into that form which was afterwards fully developed by Horace, Juvenal, and Perseus. He is spoken of in high terms as a writer by Cicero, Horace, and Quintilian.
2148 The father of Cornelia, the wife of Pompeius Magnus. After his defeat by Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, he stabbed himself, and leaped into the sea. In what way he distinguished himself as an author, does not appear.
2151 He was one of the companions of L. Lucullus, proconsul in Bætica, the province of Spain, B.C. 150. His work on Natural History is several times referred to by Pliny.
2152 See end of B. iii.
2153 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned by Varro and Columella. Nothing more seems to be known of him.
2154 See end of B. v.
2155 See end of B. iv.
2156 See end of B. ii.
2157 Of Tarsus, a Stoic philosopher, the disciple and successor of Diogenes, and the teacher of Panætius, about B.C. 144. Of his personal history but little is known. Mention is made of his History of Animals by the Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius.
2158 See end of B. ii.
2159 There were several physicians of this name; one was a native of Apamea in Bithynia, a follower of Herophilus, who flourished in the third or second century B.C.; another lived about the same period, and is by some supposed to have been the same as the last. No particulars seem to be known of the individual here mentioned.
2160 See end of B. ii.
2161 See end of B. iii.
2162 Of Miletus. He wrote on mythical subjects, and is mentioned as an author by Diogenes Laertius; but nothing further seems to have been known respecting him.
2163 Some of the MSS. call him Acopas, or Copas. He was the author of an account of the victors at the Olympic games, the work here referred to by Pliny.
2164 Hiero II., the king of Syracuse, and steady friend and ally of the Romans. He died probably a little before the year B.C. 216, having attained the age of ninety-two. Varro and Columella speak of a Treatise on Agriculture written by him.
2165 Attalus III., king of Pergamus, son of Eumenes II. and Stratonice, daughter of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. In his will he made the Roman people his heirs. Being struck with remorse for the murders and other crimes of which he had previously been guilty, he abandoned all public business, and devoted himself to the study of physic, sculpture, and gardening, on which he wrote a work. He died B.C. 133, of a fever, with which he was seized through exposing himself to the sun’s rays, while engaged in erecting a monument to his mother.
2166 See end of B. ii.
2168 An historian of Syracuse, one of the most celebrated of antiquity, though, unfortunately, none of his works have come down to us. He was born about B.C. 435, and died B.C. 356. He wrote histories of Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Phœnicia.
2169 A Greek of Tarentum, famous as a philosopher, mathematician, statesman, and general. The lives of him by Aristoxenus and Aristotle are unfortunately lost. He lived probably about B.C. 400, and he is said to have saved the life of Plato by his influence with the tyrant Dionysius. He was finally drowned in the Adriatic. He attained great skill as a practical mechanician; and his flying dove of wood was one of the wonders of antiquity. The fragments and titles of works ascribed to him are very numerous, but the genuineness of some is doubted.
2170 See end of B. vii.
2171 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella. In B. xviii. c. 43, Pliny speaks of a work of his on lucerne clover and cytisus.
2172 Or Anaxipolis. He was a writer on Agricultural subjects, and is mentioned by Varro and Columella; but nothing further is known respecting him.
2173 A writer on Agriculture. He is supposed to have lived before the time of Aristotle, and is also mentioned by Varro. No further particulars are known respecting him.
2174 A writer on Agriculture; Varro calls him a native of Mallus, in Cilicia.
2175 A native of Cumæ or Cymæ, in Asia Minor, a Greek writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2176 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2177 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro, Columella, Galen, and the Scholiast on Nicander.
2178 The most famous among the soothsayers of Alexander the Great. He probably wrote the work on Prodigies, which is referred to by Pliny in B. xvii. c. 38, and elsewhere, as also by Lucian the satirist.
2179 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2181 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2182 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2183 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2184 See end of B. ii.
2185 A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.
2186 Or Euphonius, a writer on Agriculture, also mentioned by Varro and Columella. Nothing further is known relative to him.
2188 Menander of Priene was a writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella. Menander of Heraclea was a writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro.
2189 A poet who wrote on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro. It is not improbable that he is the same person with the Menecrates of Smyrna, the author of two epigrams in the Greek Anthology.
2190 A Greek writer on Agriculture, who wrote before the time of Theophrastus, by whom he is mentioned, as also by Athenæus and Varro.
2191 He is mentioned also by Varro, but nothing is known of him.
2192 He is often referred to by Varro and Columella. He is also supposed to have been the writer of a History of Thebes, mentioned by the Scholiast and Apollonius Rhodius, B. iii.
2193 Cassius Dionysius of Utica. He translated into Greek the twenty-eight Books on Husbandry written by Mago the Carthaginian, in the Punic language. Of Mago nothing further is known.
2194 Diophanes of Bithynia made an epitome of the same work in Greek, and dedicated it to King Deiotarus. Columella styles Mago the Father of Agriculture.
2195 Made king of Cappadocia by Antony, B.C. 34. He died at Rome, at an advanced age, A.D. 17. Plutarch attributes to King Archelaus—if, indeed, this was the same—a treatise on Minerals.
2196 A native of Claros, near Colophon, in Ionia. It is not a matter of certainty, but it is most probable, that he lived in the reign of Ptolemy V., who died B.C. 181. He was a poet, grammarian, and physician. His “Theriaca,” a poem on the wounds inflicted by venomous animals, still exists, as also another called “Alexipharmia.”
2197 He has already said, in B. ii. c. 3, that “the seeds of all bodies fall down from the heavens, principally into the ocean, and being mixed together, we find that a variety of monstrous forms are in this way frequently produced.”
2198 Hardouin has the following remark on this passage. “Rondelet and Aldrovandus only waste their time and pains in making their minute inquiries into the present names of these fish, which took their names from grapes, the wood, the saw, and the cucumber; for by no other writer do we find them mentioned even.” Cuvier, however, does not seem to be of Hardouin’s opinion, that such investigations are a waste of time, and has suggested that the eggs of the Sepia officinalis may be alluded to, the eggs of which are in clusters of a dark colour, and bearing a strong resemblance to black grapes. This resemblance to a bunch of grapes is noticed by Pliny himself, in c. 74 of the present Book.
2199 He alludes, most probably, to what we call the “sword-fish,” the “Xiphias gladius” of Linnæus.
2200 Probably, in allusion to the “Squalus pristis” of Linnæus.
2201 Cuvier suggests that he probably alludes to the “Holothuria pentactes” of Linnæus, or the sea-priapus; and remarks, that when the animal contracts itself, it bears a very strong resemblance to a cucumber.
2202 Cuvier says, that he most probably alludes to the “Syngnathus hippocampus” of Linnæus. This little fish, he says, is also called the sea-horse, and having the body armed with a hard coat, might very easily have been taken for a shell-fish. Its head, in miniature, bears a very strong resemblance to that of a horse.
2203 It is not accurately known what fish was meant by the ancients, under the name of “balæna.” According to some writers, it is considered to be the same with what we call the “grampus.”
2204 A space, as Hardouin remarks, greater than that occupied by some towns, the “jugerum” being 240 feet long, and 120 broad. The vast size of great fishes was a favourite subject with some of the ancient writers, and their accounts were eagerly copied by some of the early fathers. Bochart has collected these various accounts in his work on Animals, B. i. c. 7. In the “Arabian Nights” also, we find accounts of huge fishes in the eastern seas, so large as to be taken for islands. The existence of the sea-serpent is still a question in dispute; and a whale of large size, is a formidable obstacle in the way of a ship of even the largest burthen.
2205 As Hardouin remarks, we can learn neither from the works of Pliny, nor yet of Ælian, what fish the pristis really was. From Nonius Marcellus, c. 13, we find that it was a very long fish of large size, but narrow body. Hardouin says that it was a fish of the cetaceous kind, found in the Indian seas, which, in his time, was known by some as the “vivella,” with a long bony muzzle serrated on either side, evidently meaning the saw-fish. Pristis was a favourite name given by the Romans to their ships. In the boat-race described by Virgil in the Æneid, B. v., one of the boats is so called.
2206 Cuvier remarks, that he himself had often seen the “langouste,” or large lobster, as much as four feet in length, and the “homard,” usually a smaller kind, of an equal size. The length, however, given by Pliny would make six or eight feet, according to the length of the cubit.
2207 Cuvier says, that it is an exaggeration by travellers, which there is nothing in nature at all to justify. Probably, however, some animals of the genus boa, or python, or large water-snakes may have given rise to the story.
2208 On the southern coast of Arabia.
2209 Ptolemy Philadelphus.
2210 See B. vi. c. 23, 25. Strabo, in his fifteenth Book, tells the same story of the Ichthyophagi, situate between the Carmani and the Oritæ. Dalechamps suggests that the Gedrosi mentioned this in relation to the Ichthyophagi, who were probably their neighbours.
2211 Also called the Cophetes. See B. vi. c. 25. The commander of Alexander’s fleet more especially alluded to, is probably Nearchus, who wrote an account of his voyage, to which Pliny has previously made allusion in B. vi. and which is followed by Strabo, in B. xv., and by Arrian, in his “Indica.”
2212 Hardouin remarks, that the Basques of his day were in the habit of fencing their gardens with the ribs of the whale, which sometimes exceeded twenty feet in length; and Cuvier says, that at the present time, the jaw-bone of the whale is used in Norway for the purpose of making beams or posts for buildings.
2213 Onesicritus, quoted by Strabo, B. xv., says., that in the vicinity of Taprobane, or Ceylon, there were animals which had an amphibious life, some of which resembled oxen, some horses, and various other land animals. Cuvier is of opinion, that not improbably the “Trichecum manatum” and the “Trichecum dugong” of Linnæus are alluded to, which are herbivorous animals, though nearly allied to the cetacea, and which are in the habit of coming to pasture on the grass or sea-weed they may chance to find on the shore.
2214 It is remarked by Cuvier, that there is no resemblance whatever between the domesticated animals and any of the cetacea; but that the imagination of the vulgar has pictured to itself these supposed resemblances, by the aid of a lively imagination.
2215 From the Greek φυσητὴρ, “a blower,” probably one of the whale species, so called from its blowing forth the water. Hardouin remarks, that Pliny mentions the Gallic Ocean, in B. vi. c. 33, as ending at the Pyrenees; and, probably, by this term he means the modern Bay of Biscay. Rondeletius, B. xvi. c. 14, says, that this fish is the same that is called by the Narbonnese peio mular, by the Italians capidolio, and by the people of Saintonge, “sedenette.” Cuvier conjectures also, that this was some kind of large whale; a fish which was not unfrequently found, in former times, in the gulf of Aquitaine, the inhabitants of the shores of which were skilled in its pursuit. Ajasson states that Valmont de Bomare was of opinion that it was the porpoise; but, as he justly remarks, the size of that animal does not at all correspond with the magnitude of the “physeter,” as here mentioned.
2216 Cuvier suggests that the idea of such an animal as the one here mentioned, probably took its rise in the kind of sea star-fish, now known as Medusa’s head, the Asterias of Linnæus; but that the enormous size here attributed to it, has no foundation whatever in reality. He remarks also, that the inhabitants of the north of Europe, have similar stories relative to a huge polypus, which they call the “kraken.” We may, however, be allowed to observe, that the “kraken,” or “korven,” mentioned by good bishop Pontoppidan, bears a closer resemblance to the so-called “sea-serpent,” than to anything of the polypus or sepia genus.
2217 “Rotæ.” Cuvier suggests that this idea of the wheel was taken from the class of zoophytes named “Medusæ,” by Linnæus, which have the form of a disc, divided by radii, and dots which may have been taken for eyes. But then, as he says, there are none of them of an excessive size, as Pliny would seem to indicate by placing them in this Chapter, and which Ælian has absolutely attributed to them in B. xiii. c. 20. Of the largest rhizostoma, Cuvier says, that he had even seen, the diameter of the disc did not exceed two feet.
2218 Lisbon. See B. iv. c. 35.
2219 One of the Scholiasts on Homer says, that before the discovery of the brazen trumpet by the Tyrrhenians, the conch-shell was in general use for that purpose. Hardouin, with considerable credulity, remarks here, that it is no fable, that the nereids and tritons had a human face; and says that no less than fifteen instances, ancient and modern, had been adduced, in proof that such was the fact. He says that this was the belief of Scaliger, and quotes the book of Aldrovandus on Monsters, p. 36. But, as Cuvier remarks, it is impossible to explain these stories of nereids and tritons, on any other grounds than the fraudulent pretences of those who have exhibited them, or asserted that they have seen them. “It was only last year,” he says, “that all London was resorting to see a wonderful sight in what is commonly called a mermaid. I myself had the opportunity of examining a very similar object: it was the body of a child, in the mouth of which they had introduced the jaws of a sparus [probably our “gilt-head],” while for the legs was substituted the body of a lizard. The body of the London mermaid,” he says, “was that of an ape, and a fish attached to it supplied the place of the hind legs.”
2220 Primarily the nereids were sea-nymphs, the daughters of Nereus and Doris. Dalechamps informs us, that Alexander ab Alexandro states that he once saw a nereid that had been thrown ashore on the coasts of the Peloponnesus, that Trapezuntius saw one as it was swimming, and that Draconetus Bonifacius, the Neapolitan, saw a triton that had been preserved in honey, and which many had seen when taken alive on the coast of Epirus. We may here remark, that the triton is the same as our “mer-man,” and the nereid is our “mermaid.”
2221 Of Gallia Lugdunensis, namely. The legatus was also called “rector,” and “proprætor.”
2222 Or “mer-man,” as we call it. Dalechamps, in his note, with all the credulity of his time, states that a similar sea-man had been captured, it was said, in the preceding age in Norway, and that another had been seen in Poland, dressed like a bishop, in the year 1531. Juvenal, in his 14th Satire, makes mention of the “monsters of the ocean, and the youths of the sea.”
2223 See B. iv. c. 31, 32.
2224 See B. iv. c. 33.
2225 Dalechamps says that this elephant is the same as the “rosmarus” of Olaus Magnus, B. xxxii. c. 11. It is remarked by Cuvier, that cetaceous animals have at all times received the names of those belonging to the land. The sea-ram, he thinks, may have been the great dolphin, which is called the “bootskopf,” and which has above the eye a white spot, curved in nearly a similar manner to the horn of a ram. The “elephant,” again, he suggests, may have been the Trichechus rosmarus of Linnæus, or the morse, which has large tusks projecting from its mouth, similar to those of the elephant. This animal, however, as he says, is confined to the northern seas, and does not appear ever to have come so far south as our coasts. Juba and Pausanias, however, speak of these horns of the sea-ram as being really teeth or tusks.
2226 Judging from the account of it here given, and especially in relation to the teeth, Cuvier is inclined to think that the cachelot whale, the Physeter macrocephalus of Linnæus, is the animal here alluded to.
2227 Solinus, generally a faithful mimic of Pliny, makes the measure only half a foot. Cuvier says that there can be little doubt that the bones represented to have been those of the monster to which Andromeda was exposed, were the bones, and more especially the lower jaws, of the whale. Ajasson certainly appears to have mistaken the sense of this passage. He says that it must not be supposed that Pliny means the identical bones of the animal which was about to devour Andromeda, but of one of the animals of that kind; and he exercises his wit at the expense of those who would construe the passage differently, in saying that these bones ought to have been sent to those who show in their collections such articles as the knife with which Cain slew Abel. Now, there can be no doubt that these bones were not those of the monster which the poets tell us was about to devour Andromeda; but the Romans certainly supposed that they were, and Pliny evidently thought so too, for in B. v. c. 14, he speaks of the chains by which she was fastened to the rock, at Joppa, as still to be seen there. M. Æmilius Scaurus, the younger, is here referred to.
2228 As already mentioned, there is considerable doubt what fish of the whale species is meant under this name. Cuvier says, that even at the present day whales are occasionally found in the Mediterranean, and says that there is the head of one in the Museum of Natural History, that was thrown ashore at Martigues. He also observes, that in the year 1829, one had been cast upon the coasts of Languedoc. Ajasson suggests, that not improbably whales once frequented the Mediterranean in great numbers, but that as commerce increased, they gradually retreated to the open ocean.
2229 Rondelet, B. xvi. c. 13, says that this animal was called “espaular” by the people of Saintonge. Cuvier is of opinion, also, that it is the same animal, which is also known by the name of “bootskopf,” the Delphinus orca of Linnæus. (See N. 2225.) This cetaceous animal, he says, is a most dangerous enemy to the whale, which it boldly attacks, devouring its tongue, which is of a tender quality and enormous size. He thinks, however, that the orca taken at the port of Ostia was no other than a cachelot.
2230 The Liburna, or Liburnica, was usually a bireme, or two-oared galley, with the mast in the middle, though sometimes of larger bulk. From the description given of these by Varro, as quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. xvii. c. 3, they seem, as it has been remarked, somewhat similar to the light Indian massooliah boats, which are used to cross the surf? in Madras roads. Pliny tells us, in B. xvi. c. 17, that the material of which they were constructed was pine timber, as free from resin as it could possibly be obtained. The beak of these vessels was of great comparative weight, and its sharpness is evidently alluded to in the present passage, as also in B. x. c. 32. The term “Liburna” was adopted from the assistance rendered to Augustus by the Liburni at the battle of Actium.
2231 These works were completed by Nero the successor of Claudius, and consisted of a new and more capacious harbour on the right arm of the Tiber. It was afterwards enlarged and improved by Trajan. This harbour was simply called “Portus Romanus,” or “Portus Augusti;” and around it there sprang up a town known as “Portus,” the inhabitants of which were called “Portuenses.”
2232 “Naufragiis tergorum.” This may probably mean a shipwreck, in which some hides had fallen into the sea.
2233 It is remarked by Rezzonico, that Palermus, in the account of this story given by him in B. i. c. 1, has mistaken Pliny’s meaning, and evidently thinks that “unum” refers to the soldiers, and not the boats engaged in the attack.
2234 “Ora.” Cuvier remarks, that it is not the “mouth of the animal but the nostrils, that are situate on the top of the head, and that through these it sends forth vast columns of water.” Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 3, has a similar passage, from which Pliny copied this assertion of his.
2235 Cuvier remarks, that these are the animals of the cetaceous class, which resemble the quadrupeds in the formation of the viscera, their respiration, and the mammæ; and which, in fact, only differ from them in their general form, which more nearly resembles that of fishes.
2236 Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 2.
2237 “Doctrinæ indaginibus.” This certainly seems a better reading than “doctrina indignis,” which has been adopted by Sillig, and which would make complete nonsense of the passage.
2238 Dalechamps states that Cælius Rhodiginus, B. iv. c. 15, has entered very fully into this subject.
2239 Cuvier remarks, on this passage, that the mollusca have, instead of blood, a kind of azure or colourless liquid. He observes also, that insects respire by means of tracheæ, or elastic tubes, which penetrate into every part of the body; and that the gills of fish are as essentially an organ of respiration as the lungs. All, he says, that Pliny adds as to the introduction of air into water, is equally conformable to truth; and that it is by means of the air mingled with the water, or of the atmosphere which they inhale at the surface, that fishes respire.
2240 In the shape of vapour raised by the action of the sun. In accordance with this opinion, Cicero says, De Nat. Deor. B. ii. s. 27, “The air arises from the respiration of the waters, and must be looked upon as a sort of vapour coming from them.”
2241 But, as Hardouin remarks, this act on the part of the fish is caused as much by the water as the air.
2242 As Hardouin remarks, this is a somewhat singular notion that sleep is produced by the action of the lungs.
2243 Hardouin asks, what this has to do with the question about the air which Pliny is here discussing? and then suggests that his meaning may possibly be, that the moon has an influence on bodies through the medium of the air, in accordance with the notion of the ancients that the respiration was more free during the time of full moon. Littré says, that Pliny’s meaning is, that since the influence of the moon is able to penetrate the waters, the air and the vital breath can of course penetrate them also.
2245 “Infectum aera.”
2246 See Aristotle, De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13, and Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 2.
2247 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 5.
2248 Cuvier remarks, that these nostrils, or vent-holes, are placed somewhat further back on the head in the dolphin than in the whale; but at the same time they cannot be said to be situate on the back of the animal.
2249 Or “seals.” They will be further mentioned in c. 15 of the present Book.
2250 Or “turtles,” which are more fully described in c. 21 of this Book.
2251 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 74.
2252 Cuvier remarks, that in the present Chapter there is a confusion of the peculiarities of two different animals, and refers the reader to his Note on B. viii. c. 38, which, so far as it has not been set forth, is to the following effect:—“I may here remark, that Pliny speaks on several occasions of dolphins with spines or stings on the back, although at other times he is found to give that name to the same cetaceous animal which is so denominated by us. Thus, in his story in B. ix. c. 8, of the friendship conceived by a dolphin in Lake Lucrinus for a child at Baiæ, he takes care to remark that the dolphin, when taking the child on his back, concealed his spines beneath his dorsal fin. I am of opinion, however, that I have recognized the fish which Seneca, Pliny, and even Aristotle have sometimes confounded with the real dolphin, apparently because it had received that name from certain fishermen, and these are my reasons for forming this conclusion. In c. 7 of the Ninth Book, Pliny mingles with many facts that really do belong to the real dolphin, one trait which is quite foreign to it. ‘It is so swift,’ says he, ‘that were it not for the fact that its mouth is situate much beneath its muzzle, almost, indeed, in the middle of its belly, not a fish would be able to escape its pursuit: in consequence of this, it can only seize its prey by turning on its back.’ This, it must be observed, is not one of those mistakes which we are to put down to Pliny’s own account, and of which he has so many; for we find Aristotle as well, who has so perfectly known and described the ordinary dolphin, attributing a mouth similarly situate to the dolphin and the cartilaginous animals. This fact, which is totally false as regards the real dolphin, is, in all probability, applicable to the alleged dolphin, whose back is mentioned as being armed with spines. These three characteristics, a mouth situate very far beneath the nose, spines on the back, and power and swiftness sufficient to enable it to fight the crocodile, are only to be found united in certain of the genus ‘Squalus,’ such as the ‘Squalus centrina,’ and the ‘Squalus spinax’ of Linnæus.”
2253 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5. From this description Hardouin is induced to think that Rondelet and Aldrovandus are wrong in their conclusions that it is the sea-hog, or porpoise, that is meant. Cuvier also says, that this description will not apply to the real dolphin, though it is strictly applicable to the Squalus acanthias, Squalus ricinus, and others; to the former of which also the spines or stings mentioned by Pliny appropriately belong; all the other characteristics, he says, which are here mentioned by Pliny, are applicable to the real dolphin, though in modern times it has never been brought to such a degree of tameness. Hence it is that some writers have supposed that Pliny is here speaking of the Trichechus manatus of Linnæus, by the French called “lamentin,” by us the “sea-cow.” Cuvier says, that he should be inclined to be of the same opinion, were it not for the fact that that animal does not frequent the coasts of the Mediterranean.
2254 Copied literally from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5, and De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13.
2255 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74.
2256 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 48, says not the sails, but the masts of ships; and Pintianus remarks, that Pliny has been deceived by the resemblance of the words, ἱστὸς and ἱστίον. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 12, has a similar statement also.
2257 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 9. Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 660.
2258 Fishermen having notched the tail of the animal when young, and recognized it by these marks thirty years afterwards.
2259 “Incertâ de causâ.” Pintianus, following the similar account given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 48, takes the words to mean “temere,” “hap-hazard,” “without any motive whatever.” Ajasson says that it is their eager pursuit of small fishes which sometimes betrays them into leaping on shore, and occasionally, the pain caused by attacks of parasitical sea-insects and other animals.
2260 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 49, says that the dolphin makes this noise when it comes to the air.
2261 He would seem to imply that the dolphin knows that it is “simus,” or “flat-nosed,” for which reason it is particularly fond of being called “Simo,” or “flat-nose,” a piece of good taste and intelligence remarkable even in a dolphin. Hardouin undertakes to explain their remarkable liking for this name on other grounds, and says that when a song was sung, they were charmed by the pronunciation of the word “Simo” every now and then, the last syllable being drawn out at great length. Ajasson suggests that the only reason for which this name delighted them, was probably the sibilant or hissing sound made when it is frequently repeated.
2262 “Symphoniæ cantu.” Hardouin is of opinion that this means the music of the “symphonia,” that being some kind of musical instrument. But, as Ajasson remarks, the meaning is much more likely to be, “singing in concert,” where there are several performers, and each takes his own part in the symphony. It might, however, possibly mean singing and music combined, similar to the performance of Arion, mentioned at the end of the Chapter.
2263 The organ was so called by the ancients, from the resemblance borne by its pipes to “hydraula,” or water-pipes, and from the fact of the bellows being acted on by the pressure of water. According to an author quoted by Athenæus, B. iv. c. 75, the first organist was Ctesibius of Alexandria, who lived about B.C. 200. It is not improbable that Pliny refers to this invention in B. vii. c. 38. The pipes of the organ of Ctesibius were partly of bronze and partly of reed, and Tertullian describes it as a very complicated instrument.
2264 Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 15, tells this story as well, and Aulus Gellius, B. vii. c. 8, relates it from the fifth Book of the Ægyptiaca of Apion, who stated that he himself had witnessed the fact.
2265 The Lucrine Lake originally communicated with the sea, but was afterwards separated from the Bay of Cumæ by a dyke eight stadia in length. In the time of Augustus, however, Agrippa opened a communication between the Lake and the Bay, for the purpose of forming the Julian harbour. If the circumstance here mentioned by Pliny happened before this period, “invectus” must mean “carried by human agency;” but if after, it is possible that the fish may have been carried into the lake by the tide. For an account of the lake, see B. iii. c. 9.
2266 See B. iii. c. 9.
2267 “Pinnarum aculeas.” See the remarks of Cuvier on this passage, and his conclusion as to the fish meant, in his Note in p. 369.
2268 Oppian, in his Halieutica, B. v. l. 453, mentions this story also, and of course Solinus does.
2269 See B. v. c. 3.
2270 The island and city of Caria. See B. v. c. 29.
2271 Being alarmed by the pursuit of the fish while he was swimming.
2272 Athenæus, B. xiii., tells this story more at large, and states that the name of the child was Dionysius. Hardouin remarks, that Solinus, the ape of Pliny, has absolutely read this passage as though the child’s name had been Babylon; upon the strength of which, Saumaise had proposed to alter the reading in Pliny, not remembering at the time that the boy’s name had been given by Athenæus.
2273 This story is also told by Plutarch, in his work on the Instincts of Animals.
2274 Aulus Gellius, B. vii. c. 8, mentions this story, borrowing it probably from Theophrastus.
2275 The people of the territory in which Amphilochian Argos was situate, and lying to the south of Ambracia. See B. iv. c. 2.
2276 The people of Tarentum. See B. iii. c. 16.
2277 Ovid tells the story of Arion more fully, and in beautiful language, in the Fasti, B. ii. l. 92, et seq.
2278 A promontory in the south of Laconia, now Cape Matapan. See B. iv. c. 7. Solinus, c. 7, tells us that there was a temple of Arion of Methymna, situate on this spot, in which there was a figure of him seated on a dolphin’s back, and made of bronze; with an inscription stating that this wonderful circumstance took place in the 29th Olympiad, in which year Arion had been victorious in the Sicilian games. Philostorgius, in B. i. of his Ecclesiastical History, tells us also of a martyr who was saved by a dolphin, which bore him to Helenopolis, a city of Nicomedia.
2279 Now Nismes. See B. iii. c. 5.
2280 Still known as the Lake of Lattes, in the department of Narbonne. Cuvier says that the mullet-fishing is still carried on in this lake, which is on the shores of Languedoc, and refers to D’Astruc’s Memoirs on the Natural History of that province. The dolphins, however, he says, no longer take part in the sport; and he observes that the same story is told by Ælian, B. ii. c. 8, and Albertus Magnus, De Anim. B. xxiv., with reference to other places. Oppian, in his Halieutica, B. v., makes Eubœa the scene of these adventures, while Albertus Magnus speaks of the shores of Italy. Rondelet, in his Book on Fishes, says that it used to take place on the coasts of Spain, near Palamos. Cuvier suggests, with Belon and D’Astruc, that the story arose from the fact that the dolphins, while pursuing the shoals of mullets, sometimes drove them into the creeks and salt-water lakes on the coast; a fact which has been sometimes found to cause the fish to be caught in greater abundance.
2281 Dalechamps tells us that the people of Montpellier call this outlet “La Crau,” and that it is in the vicinity of Mangueil.
2282 Were it not for the word “nihilominus” here, it would look as if the meaning were, that although the ends of the nets are hoisted up, the fish are so active that they jump over the side, and thus get enclosed. By the use of that word, however, it would seem to mean, that although the sides are hoisted up, the fish are so nimble, that they clear the nets altogether. If the latter is the meaning, Pliny probably intends to speak only of what some of them are able to do: otherwise it is hard to see of what utility the nets were in the operation.
2283 “Quos interemere.” Pintianus suggests “æquo interim jure”—“with equal rights,” instead of these words, and Pelicier does not disapprove of the suggestion; for Ælian states, in B. ii. c. 8, Hist. Anim., that the dolphins used to share the fish equally with the fishermen of Eubœa. But, as Hardouin says, the words “quos interemere” have reference to the statement above, that “they content themselves for the present with killing them only.” And besides, if the fishermen gave them an equal share, it is not likely that they would give them still more of the fish on the following day.
2284 Ælian also mentions this, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 8.
2285 The same is stated in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 6.
2286 This is also mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74.
2287 Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 6.
2288 Cuvier remarks, that there is some confusion here between an animal of the dolphin kind, and another of the genus Squalus. He suggests that the Delphinus tursio of Linnæus (our porpoise) is meant; but then there would be no ground for comparing its teeth with those of the dog-fish or shark. He remarks also, that Athenæus, B. vii. p. 310, speaks of pieces of salted flesh from the dog-fish, as being called by the name of tursio.
2289 Under this name he probably means the shark as well as the dog-fish. This passage is curiously rendered by Holland. “But especially they are snouted like dogges, when they snarle, grin, and are readie to do a shrewd turne.”
2290 We may here remark, that Pliny throughout calls these animals “testudines,”—“tortoises.” It has been thought better, in the translation, in order to avoid confusion, to give them their distinctive name of “turtle.”
2291 This passage, down to the words “to the fishermen,” is found in Agatharchides, as quoted by Photius.
2292 See B. xxxii. c. 4.
2293 Cuvier says that this is evidently a gross exaggeration on the part of some traveller; and Ajasson remarks, that the very largest turtle known does not exceed five feet in length, and four in breadth. In such a case, the superficies of the calapash or shell would be only from twenty to twenty-four feet, and this, be it remembered, in one of the very largest size.
2294 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 3, has a similar passage.
2295 See B. v. c. 17.
2296 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 3, states to a similar effect.
2297 Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 522, has a passage to a somewhat similar effect. Holland’s notion of the meaning of this passage is singular in the extreme. “The female fleeth from the male, and will not abide to engender, until such time as he pricke her behind, and sticke somewhat in her taile for running away from him so fast.”
2298 Cuvier remarks, that it is evident that the fore-feet were here taken for horns, they being in the turtle long, narrow, and pointed.
2301 From χερσιναὶ, “land turtles,” or “tortoises.”
2302 “Repositorium” seems to have been the name for a large tray upon which viands were brought to table; and probably for stands similar to our sideboards, as well as cabinets or wardrobes. Carvilius Pollio, a Roman eques, lived in the time of the Dictator Sylla, and was celebrated for his luxury in ornamental furniture. He is again mentioned by Pliny in B. xxx. c. 51.
2303 The Latin is “cortex,” which probably means a “bark,” or “rind.” Ajasson remarks upon the meagreness of the Latin language, in supplying appropriate words for scientific purposes, and congratulates himself upon adding the word, “carapax,” (signifying “callipash,” as we call it) to the Latin vocabulary.