320 “sed assidue rapta (natura) convolvitur, et circa terram immenso rerum causas globo ostendit, subinde per nubes cœlum aliud obtexens.” On the words “immenso globo,” Alexandre has the following comment: “Immensis cœli fornicibus appicta sidera, dum circumvolvitur, terris ostendit;” and on the words “cœlum aliud,” “obductæ scilicet nubes falsum quasi cœlum vero prætexunt.” Lemaire, i. 313.
321 The author probably means to speak of all the atmospheric phænomena that have been mentioned above.
322 Marcus has made some remarks on this subject which may be read with advantage; Ajasson, ii. 245-6.
323 The diminutive of Sus.
324 Ab ὕω, pluo.
325 The Hædi were in the constellation Auriga.
326 We have the same account of the Oryx in Ælian, lib. vii. cap. 8.
327 Our author again refers to this opinion, viii. 63, and it was generally adopted by the ancients; but it appears to be entirely unfounded.
328 “cum tempestatibus confici sidus intelligimus.”
329 “afflantur.” On this term Hardouin remarks, “Siderantur. Sideratio morbi genus est, partem aliquam corporis, ipsumque sæpe totum corpus percutientis subito: quod quum repentino eveniat impetu, e cœlo vi quadam sideris evenire putatur.” Lemaire, i. 317.
330 Cicero alludes to these opinions in his treatise De Divin. ii. 33; see also Aul. Gellius, ix. 7.
331 The heliotropium of the moderns has not the property here assigned to it, and it may be doubted whether it exists in any plant, except in a very slight and imperfect degree: the subject will be considered more fully in a subsequent part of the work, xxii. 29, where the author gives a more particular account of the heliotrope.
332 “conchyliorum;” this term appears to have been specifically applied to the animal from which the Tyrian dye was procured.
333 “soricum fibras;” Alexandre remarks on these words, “fibras jecoris intellige, id est, lobos infimos ...;” Lemaire, i. 318; but I do not see any ground for this interpretation.
334 It does not appear from what source our author derived this number; it is considerably greater than that stated by Ptolemy and the older astronomers. See the remarks of Hardouin and of Brotier; Lemaire. i. 319.
335 The Vergiliæ or Pleiades are not in the tail of the Bull, according to the celestial atlas of the moderns.
336 “Septemtriones.”
337 The doctrine of Aristotle on the nature and formation of mists and clouds is contained in his treatises De Meteor. lib. i. cap. 9. p. 540, and De Mundo, cap. 4. p. 605. He employs the terms ἀτμὶς, νέφος, and νεφέλη, which are translated vapor, nubes and nebula, respectively. The distinction, however, between the two latter does not appear very clearly marked either in the Greek or the Latin, the two Greek words being indiscriminately applied to either of the Latin terms.
338 It is doubtful how far this statement is correct; see the remarks of Hardouin, Lem. i. 320.
339 The words in the original are respectively fulmen and fulgetrum; Seneca makes a similar distinction between fulmen and fulguratio: “Fulguratio est late ignis explicitus; fulmen est coactus ignis et impetu jactus.” Nat. Quæst. lib. ii. cap. 16. p. 706.
340 “Præsertim ex tribus superioribus planetis, uti dictum est, cap. 18.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 322.
341 Our author’s opinion respecting the origin of winds nearly agrees with that of Aristotle; “nihil ut aliud ventus (ἄνεμος) sit, nisi aër multus fluctuans et compressus, qui etiam spiritus (πνεῦμα) appellatur;” De Meteor. This treatise contains a full account of the phænomena of winds. Seneca also remarks, “Ventus est aër fluens;” Nat. Quæst. lib. 3 & 5.
342 Aristotle informs us, that the winds termed apogæi (ἀπόγαιοι) proceed from a marshy and moist soil; De Mundo, cap. 4. p. 605. For the origin and meaning of the terms here applied to the winds, see the remarks of Hardouin and Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 323.
343 This is mentioned by Pomp. Mela.
344 “In domibus etiam multis manu facta inclusa opacitate conceptacula....” Some of the MSS. have madefacta for manu facta, and this reading has been adopted by Lemaire; but nearly all the editors, as Dalechamps, Laët, Grovonius, Poincinet and Ajasson, retain the former word.
345 The terms in the original are “flatus” and “ventus.”
346 “illos (flatus) statos atque perspirantes.”
347 “qui non aura, non procella, sed mares appellatione quoque ipsa venti sunt.” This passage cannot be translated into English, from our language not possessing the technical distinction of genders, as depending on the termination of the substantives.
348 “Septem nimirum errantibus.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 306.
349 In his account and nomenclature of the winds, Pliny has, for the most part, followed Aristotle, Meteor. lib. ii. cap. 4. pp. 558-560, and cap. 6. pp. 563-565. The description of the different winds by Seneca is not very different, but where it does not coincide with Aristotle’s, our author has generally preferred the former; see Nat. Quæst. lib. 5. We have an account of the different winds, as prevailing at particular seasons, in Ptolemy, De Judiciis Astrol. 1. 9. For the nomenclature and directions of the winds, we may refer to the remarks of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 328 et seq.
350 Odyss. v. 295, 296.
351 In giving names to the different winds, the author designates the points of the compass whence they proceed, by the place where the sun rises or sets, at the different periods of the year. The following are the terms which he employs:—“Oriens æquinoctialis,” the place where the sun rises at the equinox, i. e. the East. “Oriens brumalis,” where he rises on the shortest day, the S.E. “Occasus brumalis,” where he sets on the shortest day, the S.W. “Occasus æquinoctialis,” where he sets at the equinox, the W. “Occasus solstitialis,” where he sets on the longest day, the N.W. “Exortus solstitialis,” where he rises on the longest day, the N.E. “Inter septemtrionem et occasum solstitialem,” between N. and N.W., N.N.W. “Inter aquilonem et exortum æquinoctialem,” between N. and N.E., N.N.E. “Inter ortum brumalem et meridiem,” between S. and S.E., S.S.E. “Inter meridiem et hybernum occidentem,” between S. and S.W., S.S.W.
352 “Quod sub sole nasci videtur.”
353 This name was probably derived from the town Vulturnum in Campania.
354 Seneca informs us, that what the Latins name Subsolanus, is named by the Greeks Ἀφηλιώτης; Quæst. Nat. lib. 5. § 16. p. 764.
355 “quia favet rebus nascentibus.”
356 “... semper spirantes frigora Cauri.” Virgil, Geor. iii. 356.
357 The eight winds here mentioned will bear the following relation to our nomenclature: Septemtrio, N.; Aquilo, N.E.; Subsolanus, E.; Vulturnus, S.E.; Auster, S.; Africus, N.W.; Favonius, W.; and Corus, N.W.
358 The four winds here mentioned, added to eight others, making, in the whole, twelve, will give us the following card:—
N. Septemtrio.
N.N.E. Boreas or Aquilo.
E.N.E. Cæcias.
E. Apeliotes or Subsolanus.
E.S.E. Eurus or Vulturnus.
S.S.E. Euronotus or Phœnices.
S. Notos or Auster.
S.S.W. Libonotos.
W.S.W. Libs or Africus.
W. Zephyrus or Favonius.
W.N.W. Argestes or Corus.
N.N.W. Thrascias.
We are informed by Alexandre, Lemaire, i. 330, that there is an ancient dial plate in the Vatican, consisting of twelve sides, in which the names of the twelve winds are given both in Greek and in Latin. They differ somewhat from those given above, both absolutely and relatively; they are as follows:—
Ἀπαρκτίας, Septemtrio.
Βορέας, Aquilo.
Καικίας, Vulturnus.
Ἀφηλιώτης, Solanus.
Εὖρος, Eurus.
Εὐρόνοτος, Euronotus.
Νότος, Auster.
Λιβόνοτος, Austroafricus.
Λὶψ, Africus.
Ζέφυρος, Zephyrus.
Ἰάπυξ, Corus.
Θρασκίας, Circius.
359 This wind must have been N.N.W.; it is mentioned by Strabo, iv. 182; A. Gellius, ii. 22; Seneca, Nat. Quæst. v. 17; and again by our author, xvii. 2.
360 We may learn the opinions of the Romans on the subject of this chapter from Columella, xi. 2.
361 corresponding to the 8th day of the month.
362 ... lustro sequenti ...; “tribus annis sequentibus.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 334.
363 corresponding to the 22nd of February.
364 a χελιδὼν, hirundo.
365 This will be either on March 2nd or on February 26th, according as we reckon from December the 21st, the real solstitial day, or the 17th, when, according to the Roman calendar, the sun is said to enter Capricorn.
366 “quasi Avicularem dixeris.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 334.
367 Corresponding to the 10th of May.
368 According to the Roman calendar, this corresponds to the 20th July, but, according to the text, to the 17th. Columella says, that the sun enters Leo on the 13th of the Calends of August; xi. 2.
369 “quasi præcursores;” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 335. Cicero refers to these winds in one of his letters to Atticus; xiv. 6.
370 ἐτησίαι, ab ἔτος, annus.
371 This will be on the 13th of September, as, according to our author, xviii. 24, the equinox is on the 24th.
372 This corresponds to the 11th of November; forty-four days before this will be the 29th of September.
373 Or Halcyonides. This topic is considered more at length in a subsequent part of the work; x. 47.
374 The author, as it appears, portions out the whole of the year into fourteen periods, during most of which certain winds are said to blow, or, at least, to be decidedly prevalent. Although the winds of Italy are less irregular than those of England, Pliny has considerably exaggerated the real fact.
375 On this subject the reader may peruse the remarks of Seneca, Nat. Quæst. v. 18, written in his style of flowery declamation.
376 The greatest part of the remarks on the nature of the winds, in this chapter, would appear to be taken from Aristotle’s Treatise De Meteor., and it may be stated generally, that our author has formed his opinions more upon those of the Greek writers than upon actual observation.
377 9 A.M.
378 In the last chapter Ornithias is said to be a west wind.
379 This obviously depends upon the geographical situation of the northern parts of Africa, to which the observation more particularly applies, with respect to the central part of the Continent and the Mediterranean. See the remarks of Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 340.
380 The influence of the fourth day of the moon is referred to by Virgil, Geor. i. 432 et seq. “Sin ortu quarto,” &c.
381 This refers to the genders of the names of the winds, analogous to the remark in note 346, p. 71.
382 Eudoxus was a native of Cnidus, distinguished for his knowledge in astrology and science generally; he was a pupil of Plato, and is referred to by many of the ancients; see Hardouin’s Index Auctorum, in Lemaire, i. 187, and Enfield’s Hist. of Phil. i. 412, with the very copious list of references.
383 “flatus repentini.”
384 Cicero refers to an opinion very similar to this as maintained by the Stoics; De Div. ii. 44.
385 “procella.”
386 “ἐκ νέφους, ex nube, erumpente spiritu.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 343. Perhaps it most nearly corresponds to the term “hurricane.”
387 a τύφω, incendo, ardeo. We have no distinct term in our language which corresponds to the account of the typhon; it may be considered as a combination of a whirlwind and a hurricane.
388 Plutarch, Sympos. Quæst. iii. 5, refers to the extraordinary power of vinegar in extinguishing fire, but he ascribes this effect, not to its coldness, but to the extreme tenuity of its parts. On this Alexandre remarks, “Melius factum negassent Plinius et Plutarchus, quam causam inanem rei absurdissimæ excogitarent.” Lemaire, i. 344.
389 The terms here employed are respectively “turbines,” “presteres,” and “vortices.”
390 πρηστὴρ, a πρήθω, incendo. Seneca calls it “igneus turbo;” Nat. Quæst. v. 13. p. 762. See also Lucretius, vi. 423.
391 Plutarch.
392 A water-spout. We have a description of this phænomenon in Lucretius, vi. 425 et seq.
393 “fulmen.”
394 This has been pointed out by Alexandre, Lemaire, i. 346, as one of the statements made by our author, which, in consequence of his following the Greek writers, applies rather to their climate than to that of Italy. The reader may form a judgement of the correctness of this remark by comparing the account given by Aristotle and by Seneca; the former in Meteor. iii. 1. p. 573, 574, the latter in Nat. Quæst. ii. 32 et seq.
395 “fulgur.” The account of the different kinds of thunder seems to be principally taken from Aristotle; Meteor. iii. 1. Some of the phænomena mentioned below, which would naturally appear to the ancients the most remarkable, are easily explained by a reference to their electrical origin.
396 “quod clarum vocant.”
397 This account seems to be taken from Aristotle, Meteor. iii. 1. p. 574; see also Seneca, Nat. Quæst. ii. 31. p. 711. We have an account of the peculiar effects of thunder in Lucretius, vi. 227 et seq.
398 This effect may be easily explained by the agitation into which the female might have been thrown. The title of “princeps Romanarum,” which is applied to Marcia, has given rise to some discussion among the commentators, for which see the remarks of Hardouin and Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 348.
399 Sometimes a partial thunder-cloud is formed, while the atmosphere generally is perfectly clear, or, as Hardouin suggests, the effect might have been produced by a volcanic eruption. See Lemaire, i. 348.
400 Seneca gives us an account of the opinions of the Tuscans; Nat. Quæst. ii. 32; and Cicero refers to the “libri fulgurales” of the Etrurians; De Divin. i. 72.
401 According to Hardouin, “Summanus est Deus summus Manium, idem Orcus et Pluto dictus.” Lemaire, i. 349; he is again referred to by our author, xxix. 14; Ovid also mentions him, Fast. vi. 731, with the remark, “quisquis is est.”
402 The city of Bolsena is supposed to occupy the site of the ancient Volsinium. From the nature of the district in which it is situate, it is perhaps more probable, that the event alluded to in the test was produced by a volcanic eruption, attended by lightning, than by a simple thunder-storm.
403 “Vocant et familiaria ... quæ prima fiunt familiam suam cuique indepto.” This remark is explained by the following passage from Seneca; Nat. Quæst. ii. 47. “Hæc sunt fulmina, quæ primo accepto patrimonio, in novo hominis aut urbis statu fiunt.” This opinion, as well as most of those of our author, respecting the auguries to be formed from thunder, is combated by Seneca; ubi supra, § 48.
404 This opinion is also referred to by Seneca in the following passage; “privata autem fulmina negant ultra decimum annum, publica ultra trigesimum posse deferri;” ubi supra.
405 “in deductione oppidorum;” according to Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 350, “quum in oppida coloniæ deducuntur.”
406 The following conjecture is not without a degree of probability; “Ex hoc multisque aliis auctorum locis, plerique conjiciunt Etruscis auguribus haud ignotam fuisse vim electricam, licet eorum arcana nunquam divulgata sint.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 350.
407 Alexandre remarks in this place, “An morbus aliquis fuit, qui primum in agros debacchatus, jam urbi minabatur, forsitan ab aëris siccitate natus, quem advenientes cum procella imbres discusserunt?” Lemaire, i. 350.
408 For a notice of Piso, see Lemaire, i. 208.
409 We have an account of the death of Tullus Hostilius in Livy, i. 31.
410 “ab eliciendo, seu quod precationibus cœlo evocaretur, id nomen traxit.” This is confirmed by the following lines from Ovid, Fast. iii. 327, 328:—
411 “beneficiis abrogare vires.”
412 “ictum autem et sonitum congruere, ita modulante natura.” This remark is not only incorrect, but appears to be at variance both with what precedes and what follows.
413 The following remark of Seneca may be referred to, both as illustrating our author and as showing how much more correct the opinions of Seneca were than his own, on many points of natural philosophy; “... necesse est, ut impetus fulminis et præmittat spiritus, et agat ante se, et a tergo trahat ventum....;” Nat. Quæst. lib. ii. § 20. p. 706.
414 “quoniam læva parte mundi ortus est.” On this passage Hardouin remarks; “a Deorum sede, quum in meridiem spectes, ad sinistram sunt partes mundi exorientes;” Lemaire, i. 353. Poinsinet enters into a long detail respecting opinions of the ancients on this point and the circumstances which induced them to form their opinions; i. 34 et seq.
415 See Cicero de Divin. ii. 42.
416 “Junonis quippe templum fulmine violatum ostendit non a Jove, non a Deis mitti fulmina.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 354. The consulate of Scaurus was in the year of Rome 638. Lucan, i. 155, and Horace, Od. i. 2. refer to the destruction of temples at Rome by lightning.
417 Obviously because faint flashes are more visible in the night.
418 We have an explanation of this peculiar opinion in Tertullian, as referred to by Hardouin, Lemaire. i. 355; “Qui de cœlo tangitur, salvus est, ut nullo igne decinerescat.”
419 Although it has been thought necessary by M. Fée, in the notes to Ajasson’s trans., ii. 384, 385, to enter into a formal examination of this opinion of the author’s, I conceive that few of our readers will agree with him in this respect.
420 Suetonius informs us, that Augustus always wore a seal’s skin for this purpose; Octavius, § 90.
421 The eagle was represented by the ancients with a thunderbolt in its claws.
422 There is strong evidence for the fact, that, at different times, various substances have fallen from the atmosphere, sometimes apparently of mineral, and, at other times, of animal or vegetable origin. Some of these are now referred to those peculiar bodies termed aërolites, the nature and source of which are still doubtful, although their existence is no longer so. These bodies have, in other instances, been evidently discharged from distant volcanoes, but there are many cases where the substance could not be supposed to have proceeded from a volcano, and where, in the present state of our knowledge, it appears impossible to offer an explanation of their nature, or the source whence they are derived. We may, however, conclude, that notwithstanding the actual occurrence of a few cases of this description, a great proportion of those enumerated by the ancients were either entirely without foundation or much exaggerated. We meet with several variations of what we may presume to have been aërolites in Livy; for example, xxiv. 10, xxx. 38, xli. 9, xliii. 13, and xliv. 18, among many others. As naturally may be expected, we have many narratives of this kind in Jul. Obsequens.
423 The same region from which lightning was supposed to proceed.
424 We have several relations of this kind in Livy, xxiv. 10, xxxix. 46 and 56, xl. 19, and xliii. 13. The red snow which exists in certain alpine regions, and is found to depend upon the presence of the Uredo nivalis, was formerly attributed to showers of blood.
425 This occurrence may probably be referred to an aërolite, while the wool mentioned below, i. e. a light flocculent substance, was perhaps volcanic.
“ ... in Jovis Vicilini templo, quod in Compsano agro est, arma concrepuisse.” Livy, xxiv. 44.
427 See Plutarch, by Langhorne; Marius, iii. 133.
428 See Livy, iii. 5 & 10, xxxi. 12, xxxii. 9, et alibi.
429 I have already had occasion to remark, concerning this class of phænomena, that there is no doubt of their actual occurrence, although their origin is still unexplained.
430 The life of Anaxagoras has been written by Diogenes Laërtius. We have an ample account of him by Enfield in the General Biography, in loco; he was born B.C. 500 and died B.C. 428.
431 There is some variation in the exact date assigned by different authors to this event; in the Chronological table in Brewster’s Encyc. vi. 420, it is said to have occurred 467 B.C.
432 Aristotle gives us a similar account of this stone; that it fell in the daytime, and that a comet was then visible at night; Meteor. i. 7. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the authority for this fact must be referred entirely to Aristotle, without receiving any additional weight from our author. The occurrence of the comet at the same time with the aërolite must have been entirely incidental.
433 “Deductis eo sacri lapidis causa colonis, extructoque oppido, cui nomen a colore adusto lapidis, est inditum, Potidæa. Est enim ποτὶ Dorice πρὸς, ad, apud; δαίομαι, uror.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 361. It was situated in the peninsula of Pallene, in Macedonia.
434 The Vocontii were a people of Gallia Narbonensis, occupying a portion of the modern Dauphiné.
435 “Manifestum est, radium Solis immissum cavæ nubi, repulsa acie in Solem, refringi.”
436 Aristotle treats of the Rainbow much in detail, principally in his Meteor. iii. 2, 3, 4, and 5, where he gives an account of the phænomena, which is, for the most part, correct, and attempts to form a theory for them; see especially cap. 4. p. 577 et seq. In the treatise De Mundo he also refers to the same subject, and briefly sums up his doctrine with the following remark: “arcus est species segmenti solaris vel lunaris, edita in nube humida, et cava, et perpetua; quam velut in speculo intuemur, imagine relata in speciem circularis ambitûs.” cap. 4. p. 607. Seneca also treats very fully on the phænomena and theory of the Rainbow, in his Nat. Quæst. i. 3-8.
437 Vide supra, also Meteor. iii. 2, and Seneca, Nat. Quæst. i. 3.
438 Aristotle, Meteor. iii. 5. p. 581, observes, that the rainbow is less frequently seen in the summer, because the sun is more elevated, and that, consequently, a less portion of the arch is visible. See also Seneca, Nat. Quæst. i. 8. p. 692.
439 Aristotle treats at some length of dew, snow, and hail, in his Meteor. i. cap. 10, 11 & 12 respectively.
440 When water is frozen, its bulk is increased in consequence of its assuming a crystalline structure. Any diminution which may be found to have taken place in the bulk of the fluid, when thawed, must be ascribed to evaporation or to some accidental circumstance.
441 “Velini lacus ... præcipiti cursu in gurgitem subjectum defertur, et illo aquarum lapsu, dispersis in aëra guttis humidis, ... iridis multiplicis phænomenon efficit....” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 365.
442 We have an example in Martial, v. 34. 9, of the imprecation which has been common in all ages:
and in Seneca’s Hippolytus, sub finem:
443 The author refers to this opinion, xxix. 23, when describing the effects of venomous animals.
444 inertium; “ultione abstinentium,” as explained by Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 367.
445 “Quod mortis genus a terræ meritis et benignitate valde abhorret.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 367.
446 “Terra, inquit, sola est, e quatuor naturæ partibus sive elementis, adversus quam ingrati simus.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 368.
447 “Est ironiæ formula. Quid, ait, feras et serpentes et venena terræ exprobramus, quæ ne ad tuendam quidem illam satis valent?” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 369.
448 “ossa vel insepulta cum tempore tellus occultat, deprimentia pondere suo mollitam pluviis humum.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 370.
449 “figura prima.” I may refer to the second chapter of this book, where the author remarked upon the form of the earth as perfect in all its parts, and especially adapted for its supposed position in the centre of the universe.
450 “... si capita linearum comprehendantur ambitu;” the meaning of this passage would appear to be: if the extremities of the lines drawn from the centre of the earth to the different parts of the surface were connected together, the result of the whole would be a sphere. I must, however, remark, that Hardouin interprets it in a somewhat different manner; “Si per extremitates linearum ductarum a centro ad summos quosque vertices montium circulus exigatur.” Lemaire, i. 370.
451 “... immensum ejus globum in formam orbis assidua circa eam mundi volubilitate cogente.” As Hardouin remarks, the word mundus is here used in the sense of cœlum. Lemaire, i. 371.
452 As our author admits of the existence of antipodes, and expressly states that the earth is a perfect sphere, we may conclude that the resemblance to the cone of the pine is to be taken in a very general sense. How far the ancients entertained correct opinions respecting the globular figure of the earth, or rather, at what period this opinion became generally admitted, it is perhaps not easy to ascertain. The lines in the Georgics, i. 242, 243, which may be supposed to express the popular opinion in the time of Virgil, certainly do not convey the idea of a sphere capable of being inhabited in all its parts:
453 “spiritus vis mundo inclusi.”
454 “... Alpium vertices, longo tractu, nec breviore quinquaginta millibus passuum assurgere.” To avoid the apparent improbability of the author conceiving of the Alps as 50 miles high, the commentators have, according to their usual custom, exercised their ingenuity in altering the text. See Poinsinet, i. 206, 207, and Lemaire, i. 373. But the expression does not imply that he conceived them as 50 miles in perpendicular height, but that there is a continuous ascent of 50 miles to get to the summit. This explanation of the passage is adopted by Alexandre; Lemaire, ut supra. For what is known of Dicæarchus I may refer to Hardouin, Index Auctorum, in Lemaire, i. 181.
455 “coactam in verticem aquarum quoque figuram.”
456 “aquarum nempe convexitas.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 374.
457 “Quam quæ ad extremum mare a primis aquis.” I profess myself altogether unable to follow the author’s mode of reasoning in this paragraph, or to throw any light upon it. He would appear to be arguing in favour of the actual flatness of the surface of the ocean, whereas his previous remarks prove its convexity.
458 Alexandre remarks on this passage, “Nempe quod remotissimos etiam fontes alat oceanus. Sed omittit Plinius vaporationis intermedia ope hoc fieri.” Lemaire, i. 376. Aristotle has written at considerable length on the origin of springs, in his Meteor. i. 13. p. 543 et seq. He argues against the opinion of those who suppose that the water of springs is entirely derived from evaporation. Seneca’s account of the origin of springs is found in his Nat. Quæst. iii. 1.
459 The voyage which is here alluded to was probably that performed by Drusus; it is mentioned by Dio, lib. iv., Suetonius, Claud. § 1, Vel. Paterculus, ii. 106, and by Tacitus, Germ. § 34.
460 What is here spoken of we may presume to have been that part of the German Ocean which lies to the N.W. of Denmark; the term Scythian was applied by the ancients in so very general a way, as not to afford any indication of the exact district so designated.
461 “Sub eodem sidere;” “which lies under the same star.”
462 The ancients conceived the Caspian to be a gulf, connected with the northern ocean. Our author gives an account of it, vi. 15.
463 That is, of the Caspian Sea.
464 The remarks which our author makes upon the Palus Mæotis, in the different parts of his work, ii. 112 and vi. 7, appear so inconsistent with each other, that we must suppose he indiscriminately borrowed them from various writers, without comparing their accounts, or endeavouring to reconcile them to each other. Such inaccuracies may be thought almost to justify the censure of Alexandre, who styles our author, “indiligens plane veri et falsi compilator, et ubi dissentiunt auctores, nunquam aut raro sibi constans.” Lemaire, i. 378.
465 The son of Agrippa, whom Augustus adopted. Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 378.
466 See Beloe’s Herodotus, ii. 393, 394, for an account of the voyage round Africa that was performed by the Phœnicians, who were sent to explore those parts by Necho king of Egypt.
467 It is generally supposed that C. Nepos lived in the century previous to the Christian æra. Ptolemy Lathyrus commenced his reign U.C. 627 or B.C. 117, and reigned for 36 years. The references made to C. Nepos are not found in any of his works now extant.
469 We have a brief account of Antipater in Hardouin’s Index Auctorum; Lemaire, i. 162.
470 We are informed by Alexandre that this was in the year of the City 691, the same year in which Cicero was consul; see note in Lemaire, i. 379.
471 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the account here given must be incorrect; the reader who may be disposed to learn the opinions of the commentators on this point, may consult the notes in Poinsinet and Lemaire in loco.
472 Dividuo globo; “Eoas partes a vespertinis dividente oceano.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 380.
473 “Jam primum in dimidio computari videtur.”
474 “Cœlum;” the rigour of the climate.
475 The division of the globe into five zones is referred to by Virgil, Geor. i. 233-239, and by Ovid, Met. i. 45, 46.
476 “... interna maria allatrat, ...”
477 This is considerably more than the distance in the present day. The Isthmus of Suez appears, according to the statement of the most accurate geographers, to be about 70 miles in breadth.
478 Hæ tot portiones terræ, as Alexandre correctly remarks, “ironice dictum. Quam paucæ enim supersunt!” Lemaire, i. 383.
479 “Mundi punctus.” This expression, we may presume, was taken from Seneca; “Hoc est illud punctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro et igni dividitur.” Nat. Quæst. i. præf. p. 681.
480 Nostro solo adfodimus; “addimus, adjungimus, annectimus, ut una fossione aretur.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 383.
481 “Mundi totius.”
482 “Æquinoctii paribus horis.”
483 Dioptra. “Græce διόπτρα, instrumentum est geometricum, un quart de cercle, quo apparentes rerum inter se distantiæ anguli apertura dijudicantur.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 384.
484 This title does not correspond with the contents of the chapter.
485 “Tropici duo, cum æquinoctiali circulo;” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 384.
486 The Troglodytice of the ancients may be considered as nearly corresponding to the modern Abyssinia and Nubia.
487 This remark is incorrect, as far as respects nearly the whole of Egypt; see the remarks of Marcus, in Ajasson, ii. 245.
488 This is a star of the first magnitude in the southern constellation of Argo; we have a similar statement in Manilius, i. 216, 217.
489 The commentators suppose that the star or constellation here referred to cannot be the same with what bears this name on the modern celestial atlas; vide Hardouin in loco, also Marc. in Ajasson, ut supra. The constellation of Berenice’s hair forms the subject of Catullus’s 67th poem.
490 In Troglodytice and in Egypt.
491 The first watch of the night was from 6 P.M. to 9; the second from 9 to midnight.
492 According to Columella, xi. 2. 369, this was 9 Calend. Mart., corresponding to the 21st of February.
493 “In alia adverso, in alia prono mari.” I have adopted the opinion of Alexandre, who explains the terms “adverso” and “prono,” “ascendenti ad polum,” and “ad austrum devexo;” a similar sense is given to the passage by Poinsinet and Ajasson, in their translations.
494 “Anfractu pilæ.” See Manilius, i. 206 et seq. for a similar mode of expression.
495 “Aut;” as Poinsinet remarks, “aut est ici pour alioqui;” and he quotes another passage from our author, xix. 3, where the word is employed in a similar manner.
496 We may presume that the author meant to convey the idea, that the eclipses which are visible in any one country are not so in those which are situated under a different meridian. The terms “vespertinos,” “matutinos,” and “meridianos,” refer not to the time of the day, but to the situation of the eclipse, whether recurring in the western, eastern, or southern parts of the heavens.
497 Brewster, in the art. “Chronology,” p. 415, mentions this eclipse as having taken place Sept. 21st, U.C. 331, eleven days before the battle of Arbela; while, in the same art. p. 423, the battle is said to have taken place on Oct. 2nd, eleven days after a total eclipse of the moon.
498 It took place on the 30th of April, in the year of the City 811, A.D. 59; see Brewster, ubi supra. It is simply mentioned by Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 12, as having occurred among other prodigies which took place at this period.
499 We have an account of Corbulo’s expedition to Armenia in Dion Cassius, lx. 19-24, but there is no mention of the eclipse or of any peculiar celestial phænomenon.
500 The terms employed in the original are “oppositu” and “ambitu.” Alexandre’s explanation of the first is, “quum globi terraquei crassitudo interposita solis arcet radios;” and of the second, “quum nostra hujus globi pars a sole ambitur.” Lemaire, i. 389.
501 One of these towers is mentioned by Livy, xxxiii. 48; it is said to have been situated between Acholla and Thapsus, on the sea-coast.
502 Hardouin, according to his usual custom, employs all his learning and ingenuity to give a plausible explanation of this passage. Alexandre, as it must be confessed, with but too much reason, remarks, “Frustra desudavit Harduinus ut sanum aliquem sensum ex illis Plinii deliramentis excuteret.” He correctly refers the interval of time, which was said to occur between these signals, not to any astronomical cause, but to the necessary delay which took place in the transmission of them. He concludes, “Sed ad cursum solis hoc referre, dementiæ est. Nam ut tanta horarum differentia intersit, si moram omnem in speculandis ac transmittendis signis sustuleris, necesse erit observatores illos ultimos 135 gradibus, id est, sesquidimidio hemisphærio, a primis distare furribus. Recte igitur incredibilem Plinii credulitatem ludibrio vertit Baylius in Dictionario suo.” Lemaire, i. 389.
503 The distance, as here stated, is about 150 miles, which he is said to have performed in nine hours, but that the same distance, in returning, required fifteen hours. We have here, as on the former occasion, a note of Hardouin’s to elucidate the statement of the author. On this Alexandre observes, “Optime; sed in tam parva locorum distantia, Elidis et Sicyonis horologia vix quinque unius horæ sexagesimis differre poterant; quare eunti ac redeunti ne discrimen quidem quadrantis horæ intererat. Ineptos igitur auctores sequitur hoc quoque loco Plinius.” Lemaire, i. 390, 391.
504 “Vincunt spatia nocturnæ navigationis.” This expression would appear to imply, that the author conceived some physical difficulty in sailing during the night, and so it seems to be understood by Alexandre; vide not. in loco.
505 “Vasa horoscopica.” “Vasa horoscopica appellat horologia in plano descripta, horizonti ad libellam respondentia. Vasa dicuntur, quod area in qua lineæ ducebantur, labri interdum instar et conchæ erat, cujus in margine describebantur horæ. Horoscopa, ab ὥρα et σκοπέω, hoc est, ab inspiciendis horis.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 391.
506 These distances are respectively about 38 and 62 miles.
507 We are not to expect any great accuracy in these estimates, and we accordingly find, that our author, when referring to the subject in his 6th book, ch. 39, makes the shadow at Ancona 1⁄35 greater than the gnomon, while, in Venetia, which is more northerly, he says, as in the present chapter, that the shadow and the gnomon are equal in length. See the remarks of M. Alexandre in Lemaire, ut supra.
508 This would be about 625 miles. Strabo, ii. 114, and Lucan, ii. 587, give the same distance, which is probably nearly correct. Syene is, however, a little to the north of the tropic.
509 This remark is not correct, as no part of this river is between the tropics. For an account of Onesicritus see Lemaire, i. 203, 204.
510 “In meridiem umbras jaci.” M. Ajasson translates this passage, “les ombres tombent pendant quatre-vingt-dix jours sur le point central du méridien.” ii. 165. But I conceive that Holland’s version is more correct, “for 90 days’ space all the shadows are cast into the south.” i. 36. The remarks of M. Alexandre are to the same effect; “... ut bis solem in zenitho haberet (Ptolemais), Maii mensis et Augusti initio; interea vero, solem e septemtrione haberet.” Lemaire, i. 393.
511 About 625 miles.
512 These days correspond to the 8th of May and the 4th of August respectively.
513 There is considerable uncertainty respecting the identity of this mountain; our author refers to it in a subsequent part of his work, where it is said to be in the country of the Monedes and Suari; vi. 22. See the note of Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 394.
514 Our author, in a subsequent part of his work, vi. 23, describes the island of Patale as situated near the mouth of the Indus; he again refers to it, xii. 25. His account of the position of the sun does not, however, apply to this place.
515 If we may suppose this to have been actually the case, we might calculate the time of the year when Alexander visited this place and the length of his stay.
516 We may presume, that our author means to say no more than that, in those places, they are occasionally invisible; literally the observation would not apply to any part of India.
517 ἄσκια, shadowless.
518 If this really were the case, it could have no relation to the astronomical position of the country.
519 “In contrarium,” contrary to what takes place at other times, i. e. towards the south. This observation is not applicable to the whole of this country, as its northern and southern parts differ from each other by seven or eight degrees of latitude. For an account of Eratosthenes see Lemaire, i. 186.
520 “Hora duodecim in partes, ut as in totidem uncias dividebatur. Octonas igitur partes horæ antiquæ, sive bessem, ut Martianus vocat, nobis probe repræsentant horarum nostratium 40 sexagesimæ, quas minutas vocamus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 396.
521 For a notice of Pytheas see Lemaire, i. 210. He was a geographer and historian who lived in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus; but his veracity does not appear to have been highly estimated by his contemporaries.
522 The Thule of Pliny has been generally supposed to be the Shetland Isles. What is here asserted respecting the length of the day, as well as its distance from Britain, would indeed apply much more correctly to Iceland than to Shetland; but we have no evidence that Iceland was known to the ancients. Our author refers to the length of the day in Thule in two subsequent parts of his work, iv. 30 and vi. 36.
523 Supposed to be Colchester in Essex; while the Mona of Pliny appears to have been Anglesea. It is not easy to conceive why the author measured the distance of Mona from Camelodunum.
525 a σκιὰ, umbra, and θηράω, sector. It has been a subject for discussion by the commentators, how far this instrument of Anaximenes is entitled to the appellation of a dial, whether it was intended to mark the hours, or to serve for some other astronomical purpose. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 398, 399. It has been correctly remarked by Brotier, that we have an account of a much more ancient dial in the 2nd book of Kings, xx. 9, 11.
526 A. Gellius, iii. 3, informs us, that the question concerning the commencement of the day was one of the topics discussed by Varro, in his book “Rerum Humanarum:” this work is lost. We learn from the notes of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 399, that there are certain countries in which all these various modes of computation are still practised; the last-mentioned is the one commonly employed in Europe.
527 It has been supposed, that in this passage the author intended to say no more than that the nights are shorter at the summer solstice than at the other parts of the year; see Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 399, 400. But to this, I conceive, it may be objected, that the words “inter ortus solis” can scarcely apply to the period while the sun is below the horizon, and that the solstices generally would seem to be opposed to the equinoxes generally. Also the words “obliquior” and “rectior” would appear to have some farther reference than merely to the length of time during which the sun is above or below the horizon.
528 “Vibrato;” the same term is applied by Turnus to the hair of Æneas; Æn. xii. 100.
529 “Mobilitate hebetes;” it is not easy to see the connexion between these two circumstances.
530 There is a passage in Galen, De Temperamentis, iii. 6, which may appear to sanction the opinion of our author; “Siccos esse, quibus macra sunt crura; humidos, quibus crassa.”
531 The latter part of the remark is correct, but the number of ferocious animals is also greater in the warmer regions; there is, in fact, a greater variety in all the productions of nature in the warmer districts of the globe, except in those particular spots where animal or vegetable life is counteracted by some local circumstances, as in many parts of Asia and Africa by the want of water.
532 “Sensus liquidus;” Alexandre explains this expression, “judicium sanum, mens intelligendo apta.” Lemaire, i. 401.
534 “Vel quando meant cum Sole in conjunctione cum eo, vel quando cum eo conveniunt in aspectu, maxime vero in quadrato, qui fit, quum distant a Sole quarta mundi sive cœli parte.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 401.
535 “Ut urbem et tecta custodirent.” This anecdote is referred to by Cicero, who employs the words “ut urbem et tecta linquerent.” De Divin. i. 112.
536 This anecdote is also referred to by Cicero, de Div. ii.
537 It has been observed that earthquakes, as well as other great convulsions of nature, are preceded by calms; it has also been observed that birds and animals generally exhibit certain presentiments of the event, by something peculiar in their motions or proceedings; this circumstance is mentioned by Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 12.
538 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that this supposed resemblance or analogy is entirely without foundation. The phænomena of earthquakes are described by Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. 4, and Meteor. ii. 7 and 8; also by Seneca in various parts of the 6th book of his Quæst. Nat.
539 On this subject we shall find much curious matter in Aristotle’s Treatise de Mundo, cap. 4.
540 Poinsinet enters into a long detail of some of the most remarkable earthquakes that have occurred, from the age of Pliny to the period when he wrote, about fifty years ago; i. 249. 2.
541 See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.
542 See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 13.
543 “Fervente;” “Fremitum aquæ ferventis imitante.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 404.
544 The reader will scarcely require to be informed, that many of the remarks in the latter part of this chapter are incorrect. Our author has principally followed Aristotle, whose treatise on meteorology, although abounding in curious details, is perhaps one of the least correct of his works.
545 This observation is taken from Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.
546 Phænomena of this kind have been frequently noticed, and are not difficult of explanation.
547 “In iisdem;” “Iidem, inquit, putei inclusum terra spiritum libero meatu emittentes, terræ motus avertunt.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 406.
548 “Quæ pendent.” M. Ajasson translates this passage, “qui sont comme suspendues.” Hardouin’s explanation is, “Structis fornice cameris imposita ædificia intelligit; quod genus camerarum spiramenta plerumque habet non pauca, quibus exeat ad libertatem aer.” Lemaire, i. 407.
549 Many of these circumstances are referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 30. On the superior security of brick buildings, M. Alexandre remarks, “Muri e lateribus facti difficilius quam cæteri dehiscunt, unde fit ut in urbibus muniendis id constructionum genus plerumque præferatur. Ex antiquæ Italiæ palatiis templisve nihil fere præter immensas laterum moles hodie superest.”
550 These remarks upon the different kinds of shocks are probably taken from Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.
551 This observation is also in Aristotle, ii. 8.
552 In the year of the city 663; A.C. 90.
553 In the year of the city 821; A.D. 68.
554 The continuation of Aufidius Bassus’ history; our author refers to it in the first book.
555 We have no authentic accounts of this mutual change of place between two portions of land, nor can we conceive of any cause capable of effecting it. Our author mentions this circumstance again in book xvii. ch. 38.
556 See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.
557 “Eodem videlicet spiritu infusi (maris) ac terræ residentis sinu recepti.”
558 U.C. 770; A.D. 17. We have an account of this event in Strabo, xii. 57; in Tacitus, Ann. ii. 47; and in the Universal History, xiv. 129, 130. We are informed by Hardouin, that coins are still in existence which were struck to commemorate the liberality of the emperor on the occasion, inscribed “civitatibus Asiæ restitutis.” Lemaire, i. 410.
559 U.C. 537; A.C. 217.
560 This circumstance is mentioned by Livy, xxii. 5, and by Floras, ii. 6.
561 “Præsagiis, inquit, quam ipsa clade, sæviores sunt terræ motus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 410.
562 This phænomenon is distinctly referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 21. It presents us with one of those cases, where the scientific deductions of the moderns have been anticipated by the speculations of the ancients.
563 Odyss. iv. 354-357; see also Arist. Meteor. i. 14; Lucan, x. 509-511; Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 26; Herodotus, ii. 4, 5; and Strabo, i. 59.
564 These form, at this day, the Monte Circello, which, it is remarked, rises up like an island, out of the Pontine marshes. It seems, however, difficult to conceive how any action of the sea could have formed these marshes.
565 See Strabo, i. 58.
566 ii. 5. et alibi.
567 The plain in which this river flows, forming the windings from which it derives its name, appears to have been originally an inlet of the sea, which was gradually filled up with alluvial matter.
568 “Paria secum faciente natura.” This appears to have been a colloquial or idiomatic expression among the Romans. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 412.
569 It may be remarked, that the accounts of modern travellers and geologists tend to confirm the opinion of the volcanic origin of many of the islands of the Archipelago.
570 Brotier remarks, that, according to the account of Herodotus, this island existed previous to the date here assigned to it; Lemaire, i. 412, 413: it is probable, however, that the same name was applied to two islands, one at least of which was of volcanic origin.
571 U.C. 517, A.C. 237; and U.C. 647, A.C. 107; respectively.
572 Hiera, Automata; ab ἱερὰ, sacer, et αὐτομάτη, sponte nascens. Respecting the origin of these islands there would appear to be some confusion in the dates, which it is difficult to reconcile with each other; it is, I conceive, impossible to decide whether this depends upon an error of our author himself, or of his transcribers.
573 July 25th, U.C. 771; A.C. 19.
574 U.C. 628; A.C. 125.
575 See Ovid, Metam. xv. 290, 291; also Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 29.
576 This event is mentioned by Thucydides, lib. 3, Smith’s Trans, i. 293; and by Diodorus, xii. 7, Booth’s Trans. p. 287, as the consequence of an earthquake; but the separation was from Locris, not from Eubœa. See the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 415.
577 It is somewhat uncertain to what island our author applied this name; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire.
578 See Ovid, Metam. xv. 287.
579 It is not improbable, from the situation and geological structure of the places here enumerated, that many of the changes mentioned above may have actually occurred; but there are few of them of which we have any direct evidence.
580 This celebrated narrative of Plato is contained in his Timæus, Op. ix. p. 296, 297; it may be presumed that it was not altogether a fiction on the part of the author, but it is, at this time, impossible to determine what part of it was derived from ancient traditions and what from the fertile stores of his own imagination. It is referred to by various ancient writers, among others by Strabo. See also the remarks of Brotier in Lemaire, i. 416, 417.
581 Many of these changes on the surface of the globe, and others mentioned by our author in this part of his work, are alluded to by Ovid, in his beautiful abstract of the Pythagorean doctrine, Metam. xv. passim.
582 See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and Strabo, i. For some account of the places mentioned in this chapter the reader may consult the notes of Hardouin in loco.
583 Poinsinet, as I conceive correctly, makes the following clause the commencement of the next chapter.
584 See Ovid, Metam. xv. 293-295; also the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 418.
585 “Spatium intelligit, fretumve, quo Sicilia nunc ab Italia dispescitur.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 419.
586 See Strabo, ix.
587 “Spiracula.”
588 “Busta urbium.”
589 “Suboriens,” as M. Alexandre explains it, “renascens;” Lemaire, i. 420.
590 “Scrobibus;” “aut quum terra fossis excavatur, ut in Pomptina palude, aut per naturales hiatus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 420.
591 This circumstance is mentioned by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 28, as occurring “pluribus Italiæ locis;” it may be ascribed to the exhalations from volcanos being raised up into the atmosphere. It does not appear that there is, at present, any cavern in Mount Soracte which emits mephitic vapours. But the circumstance of Soracte being regarded sacred to Apollo, as we learn from our author, vii. 2, and from Virgil, Æn. xi. 785, may lead us to conjecture that something of the kind may formerly have existed there.
592 The author may probably refer to the well-known Grotto del Cane, where, in consequence of a stratum of carbonic acid gas, which occupies the lower part of the cave only, dogs and other animals, whose mouths are near the ground, are instantly suffocated.
593 Celebrated in the well-known lines of Virgil, Æn. vii. 563 et seq., as the “sævi spiracula Ditis.”
594 Apuleius gives us an account of this place from his own observation; De Mundo, § 729. See also Strabo, xii.
595 See Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. iv.
596 “Ad ingressum ambulantium, et equorum cursus, terræ quoque tremere sentiuntur in Brabantino agro, quæ Belgii pars, et circa S. Audomari fanum.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 421, 422.
597 See Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 25.
598 Martial speaks of the marshy nature of the Cæcuban district, xiii. 115. Most of the places mentioned in this chapter are illustrated by the remarks of Hardouin; Lemaire, i. 422, 423.
599 “Saltuares.” In some of the MSS. the term here employed is Saliares, or Saltares; but in all the editions which I am in the habit of consulting, it is Saltuares.
600 There is, no doubt, some truth in these accounts of floating islands, although, as we may presume, much exaggerated. There are frequently small portions of land detached from the edges of lakes, by floods or rapid currents, held together and rendered buoyant by a mass of roots and vegetable matter. In the lake of Keswick, in the county of Cumberland, there are two small floating islands, of a few yards in circumference, which are moved about by the wind or by currents; they appear to consist, principally, of a mass of vegetable fibres.
601 It has been observed, that there are certain places where bodies remain for a long time without undergoing decomposition; it depends principally upon a dry and cool condition of the air, such as is occasionally found in vaults and natural caverns. See the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 424.
602 We may conceive of a large mass of rock being so balanced upon the fine point of another rock, as to be moved by the slightest touch; but, that if it be pushed with any force, it may be thrown upon a plane surface, and will then remain immovable.
603 Perhaps the author may refer to some kind of earth, possessed of absorbent or astringent properties, like the Terra Sigillata or Armenian Bole of the old Pharmacopœias.
604 A σὰρξ, caro, and φάγω, edo. We may conceive this stone to have contained a portion of an acrid ingredient, perhaps of an alkaline nature, which, in some degree, might produce the effect here described. It does not appear that the material of which the stone coffins are composed, to which this name has been applied, the workmanship of which is so much an object of admiration, are any of them possessed of this property.
605 Alexandre remarks on this statement, “Montes istæ videntur originem dedisse fabulæ quæ in Arabicis Noctibus legitur ...;” Lemaire, i. 425. Fouché, indeed, observes, that there are mountains composed principally of natural loadstone, which might sensibly attract a shoe containing iron nails. Ajasson, ii. 386. But I conceive that we have no evidence of the existence of the magnetic iron pyrites having ever been found in sufficient quantity to produce any sensible effect of the kind here described.
606 We may remark generally, that of the “miracula” related in this chapter, the greatest part are entirely without foundation, and the remainder much exaggerated.
607 “Mundo;” the heavens or visible firmament, to which the stars and planets appear to be connected, so as to be moved along with it.
608 “Ancillante;” “Credas ancillari sidus, et indulgere mari, ut non ab eadem parte, qua pridie, pastum ex oceano hauriat.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 427.
609 Not depending on the time of the rising and setting of the sun or the latitude of the place, but determinate portions of the diurnal period.
610 By a conjectural variation of a letter, viz. by substituting “eos” for “eas,” Dalechamp has, as he conceives, rendered this passage more clear; the alteration is adopted by Lemaire.
611 “In iisdem ortus occasusque operibus;” “Eodem modo utrinque orientibus occidentibusque sideribus,” as interpreted by Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 428.
612 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that both the alleged fact and the supposed cause are incorrect. And this is the case with what our author says in the next sentence, respecting the period of eight years, and the hundred revolutions of the moon.
613 “Solis annuis causis.” The circumstances connected with the revolution of the sun, acting as causes of the period and height of the tides, in addition to the effect of the moon.
614 “Inanes;” “Depressiores ac minus tumentes.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 429.
615 According to the remark of Alexandre, “Uno die et dimidio altero, 36 circiter horis, in Gallia.” Lemaire, i. 429.
616 Alexandre remarks on this passage, “Variat pro locis hoc intervallum a nullo fere temporis momento ad undecim horas et amplius;” Lemaire, i. 429.
617 Our author has already referred to Pytheas, in the 77th chapter of this book.
618 It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the space here mentioned, which is nearly 120 feet, is far greater than the actual fact.
619 “Ditioni paret;” “Lunæ solisque efficientiæ, quæ ciet æstum.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 430.
620 The effect here described could not have depended upon the tides, but upon some current, either affecting the whole of the Mediterranean, or certain parts of it. See the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire.
621 Pliny naturally adopted the erroneous opinions respecting the state of the blood-vessels, and the cause of the pulse, which were universally maintained by the ancients.
622 The name of Euripus is generally applied to the strait between Bœotia and Eubœa, but our author here extends it to that between Italy and Sicily. A peculiarity in the tide of this strait is referred to by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 24.
623 “Æstus idem triduo in mense consistit.” “Consistentia, sive mediocritas aquarum non solum septima die sentitur, sed et octava, ac nona durat,” as Hardouin explains this passage, Lemaire, i. 431.
624 Now called the Guadalquivir.
625 The modern Seville.
626 This circumstance is noticed by most of the ancients, as by Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 1; by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iv. 2; and by Strabo. It has, however, no relation to the tide, but depends upon the quantity of water transmitted into the Euxine by the numerous large rivers that empty themselves into it.
627 It has been suggested, with some plausibility, that the greater height of the tides at this period will cause a greater quantity of matter to be cast on shore. This circumstance is referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 26; and by Strabo.
628 Alexandre observes on this supposed fact, “Algarum molles quædam species intelligendæ sunt, quæ convolutæ et marcidæ in littus ejiciuntur.” Lemaire, i. 432.
629 It may cause some surprise to find that such an opinion has been entertained even in modern times; but more correct observation has shown it to be without foundation. Lemaire.
630 “Spiritus sidus;” “Quod vitalem humorem ac spiritus in corporibus rebusque omnibus varie temperet.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 433.
631 “Terras saturet;” as Alexandre interprets it, “succo impleat;” Lemaire.
632 This circumstance is alluded to by Cicero, De Divin. ii. 33, and by Horace, Sat. ii. 4, 30. It is difficult to conceive how an opinion so totally unfounded, and so easy to refute, should have obtained general credence.
633 Lib. xviii. chap. 75.
634 Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 1, remarks, that as the sun is continually evaporating the water of the sea, it must eventually be entirely dried up. But we have reason to believe, that all the water which is evaporated by the solar heat, or any other natural process, is again deposited in the form of rain or dew.
635 “Terræ sudor;” according to Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 4: this opinion was adopted by some of the ancients.
636 The commentators discuss at considerable length the relative merits of the three hypotheses here proposed, to account for the saltness of the ocean; all of which are equally unfounded. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 434, 435. Aristotle’s opinion on this subject is contained in his Meteor.
637 It is not easy to ascertain the origin of the very general opinion respecting the peculiar physical action of the moon. The alleged facts are, for the most part, without foundation, and I am not aware of any circumstance which could, originally, have made them a part of the popular creed of so many nations, ancient as well as modern. Perhaps some of the effects which have been ascribed to the specific action of the moon, may be explained by the lower temperature and greater dampness of the air, during the absence of the sun.
638 There appears to be some doubt respecting the history of the person here referred to: according to the account of Hardouin, Fabianus was a naturalist, who enjoyed a high reputation; he lived in the time of Tiberius: see Lemaire, i. 188.
639 This would be a depth of 3125 yards, not very far short of two miles; see Adam’s Rom. Antiq. p. 503.
640 “Βαθέα Ponti;” Aristotle refers to this as one of those parts where the sea is unfathomable; Meteor. i. 13.
641 A distance of nearly nine and a half miles.
642 The specific gravity of sea water varies from 1·0269 to 1·0285. The saline contents of the water of the English Channel are stated to be 27 grs. in 1000. Turner’s Chem. p. 1289, 1290.
643 The modern names of the rivers and lakes here mentioned are the Liris, communicating with the Lago di Celano; the Adda, with the Lago di Como; the Ticino, with the Lago Maggiore; the Mincio, with the Lago di Guarda; the Oglio, with the Lago di Sero; and the Rhone with the Lake of Geneva. There may be some foundation for the alleged fact, because the specific gravity and the temperature of the lake may differ a little from that of the river which passes through it.
644 According to Brotier, “fons ille olim nobilissimus, nunc ignobile est lavacrum, cujus aqua marino sapore inficitur.” He conceives that there is no actual foundation for this so frequently repeated story; and conjectures that it originated from the similitude of the names, the fountain in Sicily and the river in the Peloponnesus being both named Alpheus. He goes on to mention some examples of springs of fresh water rising up on the sea-coast; Lemaire, i. 438. The allusion to the fountain of Arethusa, by Virgil, in the commencement of the 10th eclogue, is well known to all classical scholars. The lines of Virgil have been elegantly imitated by Voltaire, in the Henriade, ix. 269, 270.
645 This is mentioned by Ovid, Met. xv. 273, 274.
646 This is again referred to by our author, vi. 31; also by Strabo, and by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 26.
647 Pausanias.
648 The river here referred to is the Tanager, the modern Rio Negro. See the remarks of Hardouin and Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 439.
649 From a note in Poinsinet, i. 302, we learn that there has been some doubt respecting the locality of this river. It is mentioned by Virgil, Æn. i. 244, and it forms the subject of Heyne’s 7th Excursus, ii. 124 et seq. Virgil also speaks of the Timavus, Ec. viii. 6; and Heyne, in a note, gives the following description of it: “Timavus in ora Adriæ, non longe ab Aquileia fluvius ex terra novem fontibus seu capitibus progressus, brevi cursu, in unum alveum collectus, lato altoque flumine in mare exit.” i. 127, 128.
650 This remark is not to be taken in its full extent; the water of these lakes contains a large quantity of saline and other substances dissolved in it, and, consequently, has its specific gravity so much increased, that various substances float on it which sink in pure water.
651 According to Hardouin, this is now called the Lake of Andoria, near the town of Casalnuovo; Lemaire, i. 439. Poinsinet calls it Anduria, i. 303.
652 The petrifying quality of this river is referred to by Ovid, Met. xv. 313, 314; Seneca quotes these lines when treating on this subject, Nat. Quæst. iii. 20.
653 Aristotle, Strabo, and Silius Italicus, viii. 582, 583, refer to this property of the Silarus; but, according to Brotier, it does not appear to be known to the present inhabitants of the district through which it flows. Lemaire, i. 440.
654 In a subsequent part of the work, xxxi. 8, our author remarks, “Reatinis tantum paludibus ungulas jumentorum indurari.” We may presume that the water contained some saline, earthy or metallic substance, either in solution, or in a state of minute division, which would produce these effects. It does not appear that anything of this kind has been observed by the moderns in this water.
655 The coral beds with which the Red Sea abounds may have given rise to this opinion: see the remarks of Alexandre in loco. Hardouin informs us, that this clause respecting the Red Sea is not found in any of the MSS. Lemaire, i. 441. A similar observation occurs in a subsequent part of the work, xiii. 48.
656 There are thermal springs in the Alpine valleys, but not any in the elevated parts of the Alps themselves.
657 The volcanic nature of a large portion of the south of Italy and the neighbouring islands may be regarded as the cause of the warm springs which are found there.
658 This river may be supposed to have been principally supplied by melted snow; it would appear to be colder, because its temperature would be less elevated than the other streams in the neighbourhood.
659 The statement, if correct, may be referred to the discharge of a quantity of inflammable gas from the surface of the water. The fact is mentioned by Lucretius, vi. 879, 880, and by Mela.
660 “Quasi alternis requiescens, ac meridians: diem diffindens, ut Varro loquitur, insititia quiete.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 443. He says that there is a similar kind of fountain in Provence, called Collis Martiensis.
661 There has been considerable difference of opinion among the commentators, both as to the reading of the text and its interpretation, for which I shall refer to the notes of Poinsinet, i. 307, of Hardouin and Alexandre, Lemaire, i. 443, and of Richelet, Ajasson, ii. 402.
662 We have an account of the Troglodytæ in a subsequent part of the work, v. 5. The name is generally applied by the ancients to a tribe of people inhabiting a portion of Æthiopia, and is derived from the circumstance of their dwellings being composed of caverns; a τρωγλὴ and δύνω. Alexandre remarks, that the name was occasionally applied to other tribes, whose habitations were of the same kind; Lemaire, i. 443. They are referred to by Q. Curtius as a tribe of the Æthiopians, situated to the south of Egypt and extending to the Red Sea, iv. 7.
663 Q. Curtius gives nearly the same account of this fountain.
664 The Po derives its water from the torrents of the Alps, and is therefore much affected by the melting of the snow or the great falls of rain, which occur at different seasons of the year; but the daily diminution of the water, as stated by our author, is without foundation.
665 “Fontem ibi intermittentem frustra quæsivit cl. Le Chevalier, Voyage de la Troade, t. i. p. 219.” Lemaire, i. 444.
666 Strabo, in allusion to this circumstance, remarks, that some persons make it still more wonderful, by supposing that this spring is connected with the Nile. We learn from Tournefort, that there is a well of this name in Delos, which he found to contain considerably more water in January and February than in October, and which is supposed to be connected with the Nile or the Jordan: this, of course, he regards as an idle tale. Lemaire.
667 Hardouin informs us, that these warm springs are called “i bagni di Monte Falcone,” or “di S. Antonio.” They are situate so very near the sea, that we may suppose some communication to exist, which may produce the alleged effect. Lemaire.
668 According to Hardouin this is the modern Torre di Pitino; he conceives that the river here mentioned must be the Vomanus. The effect here described is, to a certain extent, always the case with rivers which proceed from mountains that are covered with snow. Lemaire, i. 445.
669 Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 25, makes the same remark: the fact would seem to be, that in certain districts the cattle are found to be for the most part white, and in other places black; but we have no reason to suppose that their colour has any connexion with the water which they employ.
670 This is asserted by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. iii. 12. We have a similar statement made by Ælian respecting the Scamander; viii. 21.
671 “Annonæ mutationem significans.”
672 The peculiar nature of the water of the Lyncestis is referred to by many of the ancients: we may suppose that it was strongly impregnated with carbonic acid gas. See Ovid, Met. xv. 329-331; also Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 3, and Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 20.
673 Vitruvius and Athenæus.
674 Calenum was a town in Campania; this peculiar property of its water is referred to by Val. Maximus, i. 8, 18.
675 Literally, Jovis cultus; as interpreted by Hardouin, “tanquam si dixeris, divinum Jovis munus hunc fontem esse.” Lemaire, i. 447.
676 Seneca affirms its poisonous nature; Nat. Quæst. iii. 25. Q. Curtius refers to a spring in Macedonia of the same name, “quo pestiferum virus emanat.” x. 10.
677 There appears to be some uncertainty respecting the locality of this district; see the remarks of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 447.
678 “Hunc fontem describit eximie Plinius jun. lib. iv. epist. ult. Est ad orientalem Larii lacus plagam, Lago di Como, x mill. pass. a Como.” Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 448.
679 Our author, in a subsequent passage, v. 39, speaks of Cydonea, “cum fonte calido.”
680 According to Hardouin, i. 448, there is a considerable variation in the MSS. with respect to this name: he informs us that “Συναὸς urbs est Magnæ Phrygiæ Ptolemæo, v. 2.”
681 Tacitus gives an account of this oracle as having been visited by Germanicus; Ann. ii. 54.
682 Our author refers to this history in the First book of the present work.
683 “Comparatos scilicet cum aëris externi temperie.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 448.
684 Thin leaves or films of metal have little affinity for water, and have, generally, bubbles of air attached to them; so that, when placed upon the water, the fluid is prevented from adhering to them, and thus they remain on the surface.
685 Depending not upon their absolute, but their specific gravity.
686 Being partly supported by the water.
687 The stone may have floated in consequence of its being full of pores: these are more quickly filled with water when it is broken into small pieces. It was probably of the nature of pumice or some other volcanic product.
688 This is well known to depend upon the commencement of the decomposition of some part of the viscera, by which there is an evolution of gaseous matter.
689 This is an erroneous statement; it is not easy to ascertain what was the source of the error.
690 Rain, as it falls from the clouds, is nearly pure; and rivers, or receptacles of any kind, that are supplied by it, are considerably more free from saline impregnations than the generality of springs.
691 This statement is altogether incorrect.
692 When salt water freezes, it is disengaged from the saline matter which it previously held in solution; a greater degree of cold is therefore required to overcome the attraction of the water for the salt, and to form the ice, than when pure water is congealed.
693 “Celerius accendi.” We can scarcely suppose that by this term our author intended to express the actual burning or inflaming of the water, which is its literal and ordinary meaning. This, however, would appear to be the opinion of Hardouin and Alexandre; Lemaire, i. 449. Holland translates it, “made hot and set a-seething,” i. 46; Poinsinet, “s’échauffe le plus vîte,” i. 313; and Ajasson, “plus prompte à s’échauffer,” ii. 217.