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Principles of Political Economy: Chapter III.: Of the Classes Among Whom the Produce Is Distributed

Principles of Political Economy
Chapter III.: Of the Classes Among Whom the Produce Is Distributed
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table of contents
  1. Front Matter
    1. Table of Contents
    2. About
    3. Introduction
    4. Preface (1848 ed.)
      1. Addition to the Preface (1849 ed.)
    5. Preface (1852 ed.)
      1. Addition to the Preface (1857 ed.)
      2. Addition to the Preface (1862 ed.)
      3. Addition to the Preface (1865 ed.)
      4. Addition to the Preface: “The People's Edition,” (1865)
    6. Preface (1871 ed.)
  2. Preliminary Remarks
  3. BOOK I: PRODUCTION
    1. CHAPTER I: Of the Requisites of Production
    2. CHAPTER II: Of Labour as an Agent of Production
    3. CHAPTER III: Of Unproductive Labour
    4. CHAPTER IV: Of Capital
    5. CHAPTER V: Fundamental Propositions Respecting Capital
    6. CHAPTER VI: On Circulating and Fixed Capital
    7. CHAPTER VII: On What Depends the Degree of Productiveness of Productive Agents
    8. CHAPTER VIII: Of Co-Operation, or the Combination of Labour
    9. CHAPTER IX: Of Production on a Large, and Production on a Small Scale
    10. CHAPTER X: Of the Law of the Increase of Labour
    11. CHAPTER XI: Of the Law of the Increase of Capital
    12. CHAPTER XII: Of the Law of the Increase of Production From Land
    13. CHAPTER XIII: Consequences of the Foregoing Laws
  4. BOOK II: DISTRIBUTION
    1. CHAPTER I.: Of Property
    2. CHAPTER II.: The Same Subject Continued
    3. Chapter III.: Of the Classes Among Whom the Produce Is Distributed
    4. CHAPTER IV.: Of Competition and Custom
    5. CHAPTER V.: Of Slavery
    6. CHAPTER VI.: Of Peasant Proprietors
    7. CHAPTER VII.: Continuation of the Same Subject
    8. CHAPTER VIII.: Of Metayers
    9. CHAPTER IX.: Of Cottiers
    10. CHAPTER X.: Means of Abolishing Cottier Tenancy
    11. CHAPTER XI.: Of Wages
    12. CHAPTER XII.: Of Popular Remedies for Low Wages
    13. CHAPTER XIII.: The Remedies for Low Wages Further Considered
    14. CHAPTER XIV.: Of the Differences of Wages in Different Employments
    15. CHAPTER XV.: Of Profits
    16. CHAPTER XVI.: Of Rent
  5. BOOK III: EXCHANGE
    1. Chapter I: Of Value
    2. CHAPTER II: Of Demand and Supply in Their Relation to Value
    3. CHAPTER III: Of Cost of Production, in Its Relation to Value
    4. CHAPTER IV: Ultimate Analysis of Cost of Production
    5. CHAPTER V: Of Rent, in Its Relation to Value
    6. CHAPTER VI: Summary of the Theory of Value
    7. CHAPTER VII: Of Money
    8. CHAPTER VIII: Of the Value of Money, as Dependent on Demand and Supply
    9. CHAPTER IX: Of the Value of Money, as Dependent on Cost of Production
    10. CHAPTER X: Of a Double Standard, and Subsidiary Coins
    11. CHAPTER XI: Of Credit, as a Substitute for Money
    12. CHAPTER XII: Influence of Credit on Prices
    13. CHAPTER XIII: Of an Inconvertible Paper Currency
    14. CHAPTER XIV: Of Excess of Supply
    15. CHAPTER XV: Of a Measure of Value
    16. CHAPTER XVI: Of Some Peculiar Cases of Value
    17. CHAPTER XVII.: On International Trade
    18. CHAPTER XVIII: Of International Values
    19. CHAPTER XIX: Of Money, Considered as an Imported Commodity
    20. CHAPTER XX: Of the Foreign Exchanges
    21. CHAPTER XXI: Of the Distribution of the Precious Metals Through the Commercial World
    22. CHAPTER XXII: Influence of the Currency on the Exchanges and on Foreign Trade
    23. CHAPTER XXIII: Of the Rate of Interest
    24. CHAPTER XXIV: Of the Regulation of a Convertible Paper Currency
    25. CHAPTER XXV: Of the Competition of Different Countries in the Same Market
    26. CHAPTER XXVI: Of Distribution, as Affected by Exchange
  6. BOOK IV: INFLUENCE OF THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY ON PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION
    1. CHAPTER I: General Characteristics of a Progressive State of Wealth
    2. CHAPTER II: Influence of the Progress of Industry and Population on Values and Prices
    3. CHAPTER III: Influence of the Progress of Industry and Population, on Rents, Profits, and Wages
    4. CHAPTER IV: Of the Tendency of Profits to a Minimum
    5. CHAPTER V: Consequences of the Tendency of Profits to a Minimum
    6. CHAPTER VI: Of the Stationary State
    7. CHAPTER VII: On the Probable Futurity of the Labouring Classes
  7. BOOK V: ON THE INFLUENCE OF GOVERNMENT
    1. CHAPTER I: Of the Functions of Government in General
    2. CHAPTER II: On the General Principles of Taxation
    3. CHAPTER III: Of Direct Taxes
    4. CHAPTER IV: Of Taxes on Commodities
    5. CHAPTER V: Of Some Other Taxes
    6. CHAPTER VI: Comparison Between Direct and Indirect Taxation
    7. CHAPTER VII: Of a National Debt
    8. CHAPTER VIII: Of the Ordinary Functions of Government, Considered as to Their Economical Effects
    9. CHAPTER IX: The Same Subject Continued
    10. CHAPTER X: Of Interferences of Government Grounded on Erroneous Theories
    11. CHAPTER XI: Of the Grounds and Limits of the Laisser-Faire or Non-Interference Principle
  8. Bibliographical Appendix
    1. A.—: The Mercantile System (p. 6)
    2. B.—: The Definition of Wealth (p. 9)
    3. C.—: The Types of Society (p. 20)
    4. D.—: Productive and Unproductive Labour (p. 53)
    5. E.—: The Definition of Capital (p. 62)
    6. F.—: Fundamental Propositions on Capital (p. 90)
    7. G.—: Division and Combination of Labour (p. 131)
    8. H.—: Large and Small Farming (p. 154)
    9. I.—: Population (p. 162)
    10. J.—: The Law of Diminishing Return (p. 188)
    11. K.—: Mill's Earlier and Later Writings on Socialism (p. 204)
    12. L.—: The Later History of Socialism (p. 217)
    13. M.—: Indian Tenures (p. 328)
    14. N.—: Irish Agrarian Development (p. 342)
    15. O.—: The Wages Fund Doctrine (p. 344)
    16. P.—: The Movement of Population (p. 360)
    17. Q.—: Profits (p. 421)
    18. R.—: Rent (p. 434)
    19. S.—: The Theory of Value (p. 482)
    20. T.—: The Value of Money (p. 506)
    21. U.—: Bimetallism (p. 510)
    22. V.—: International Values (p. 606)
    23. W.—: The Regulation of Currency (p. 677)
    24. X.—: Prices in the Nineteenth Century (p. 704)
    25. Y.—: Commercial Cycles (p. 709)
    26. Z.—: Rents in the Nineteenth Century (p. 724)
    27. AA.—: Wages in the Nineteenth Century (p. 724)
    28. BB.—: The Importation of Food (p. 738)
    29. CC.—: The Tendency of Profits to a Minimum (p. 739)
    30. DD.—: The Subsequent History of Co-Operation (p. 794)
    31. EE.—: The Subsequent History of Income Tax (pp. 806, 817)
    32. FF.—: The Taxation of Land (p. 819)
    33. GG.—: The Incidence of Taxation (p. 863)
    34. HH.—: Company and Partnership Law (p. 904)
    35. II.—: Protection (p. 926)
    36. JJ.—: Usury Laws (p. 930.)
    37. KK.—: The Factory Acts (p. 759)
    38. LL.—: The Poor Law (p. 969)
    39. MM.—: The Province or Government (p. 979)
  9. Index

Chapter III.: Of the classes among whom the produce is distributed

§ 1. Private property being assumed as a fact, we have next to enumerate the different classes of persons to whom it gives rise; whose concurrence, or at least whose permission, is necessary to production, and who are therefore able to stipulate for a share of the produce. We have to inquire, according to what laws the produce distributes itself among these classes, by the spontaneous action of the interests of those concerned: after which, a further question will be, what effects are or might be produced by laws, institutions, and measures of government, in superseding or modifying that spontaneous distribution.

The three requisites of production, as has been so often repeated, are labour, capital, and land: understanding by capital, the means and appliances which are the accumulated results of previous labour, and by land, the materials and instruments supplied by nature, whether contained in the interior of the earth, or constituting its surface. Since each of these elements of production may be separately appropriated, the industrial community may be considered as divided into landowners, capitalists, and productive labourers. Each of these classes, as such, obtains a share of the produce: no other person or class obtains anything, except by concession from them. The remainder of the community is, in fact, supported at their expense, giving, if any equivalent, one consisting of unproductive services. These three classes, therefore, are considered in political economy as making up the whole community.

§ 2. But although these three sometimes exist as separate classes, dividing the produce among them, they do not necessarily or always so exist. The fact is so much otherwise, that there are only one or two communities in which the complete separation of these classes is the general rule. England and Scotland, with parts Edition: current; Page: [239] of Belgium and Holland, are almost the only countries in the world, where the land, capital, and labour employed in agriculture, are generally the property of separate owners. The ordinary case is, that the same person owns either two of these requisites, or all three.

The case in which the same person owns all three, embraces the two extremes of existing society, in respect to the independence and dignity of the labouring class. First, when the labourer himself is the proprietor. This is the commonest case in the Northern States of the American Union; one of the commonest in France, Switzerland, the three Scandinavian kingdoms, and parts of Germany;∗. and a common case in parts of Italy and in Belgium. In all these countries there are, no doubt, large landed properties, and a still greater number which, without being large, require the occasional or constant aid of hired labourers. Much, however, of the land is owned in portions too small to require any other labour than that of the peasant and his family, or fully to occupy even that. The capital employed is not always that of the peasant proprietor, many of these small properties being mortgaged to obtain the means of cultivating; but the capital is invested at the peasant' risk, and though he pays interest for it, it gives to no one any right of interference, except, perhaps, eventually to take possession of the land, if the interest ceases to be paid.

The other case in which the land, labour, and capital, belong to the same person, is the case of slave countries, in which the Edition: current; Page: [240] labourers themselves are owned by the landowner. Our West India colonies before emancipation, and the sugar colonies of the nations by whom a similar act of justice is still unperformed, are examples of large establishments for agricultural and manufacturing labour (the production of sugar and rum is a combination of both) in which the land, the factories (if they may be so called), the machinery, and the degraded labourers, are all the property of a capitalist. In this case, as well as in its extreme opposite, the case of the peasant proprietor, there is no division of the produce.

§ 3. When the three requisites are not all owned by the same person, it often happens that two of them are so. Sometimes the same person owns the capital and the land, but not the labour. The landlord makes his engagement directly with the labourer, and supplies the whole or part of the stock necessary for cultivation. This system is the usual one in those parts of Continental Europe, in which the labourers are neither serfs on the one hand, nor proprietors on the other. It was very common in France before the Revolution, and is still practised in some parts of that country, when the land is not the property of the cultivator. It prevails generally in the level districts of Italy, except those principally pastoral, such as the Maremma of Tuscany and the Campagna of Rome. On this system the division of the produce is between two classes, the landowner and the labourer.

In other cases again the labourer does not own the land, but owns the little stock employed on it, the landlord not being in the habit of supplying any. This system generally prevails in Ireland. It is nearly universal in India, and in most countries of the East; whether the government retains, as it generally does, the ownership of the soil, or allows portions to become, either absolutely or in a qualified sense, the property of individuals. In India, however, things are so far better than in Ireland, that the owner of land is in the habit of making advances to the cultivators, if they cannot cultivate without them. For these advances the native landed proprietor usually demands high interest; but the principal landowner, the government, makes them gratuitously, recovering the advance after the harvest, together with the rent. The produce is here divided as before, between the same two classes, the landowner and the labourer.

These are the principal variations in the classification of those among whom the produce of agricultural labour is distributed. In Edition: current; Page: [241] the case of manufacturing industry there never are more than two classes, the labourers and the capitalists. The original artisans in all countries were either slaves, or the women of the family. In the manufacturing establishments of the ancients, whether on a large or on a small scale, the labourers were usually the property of the capitalist. In general, if any manual labour was thought compatible with the dignity of a freeman, it was only agricultural labour. The converse system, in which the capital was owned by the labourer, was coeval with free labour, and under it the first great advances of manufacturing industry were achieved. The artisan owned the loom or the few tools he used, and worked on his own account; or at least ended by doing so, though he usually worked for another, first as apprentice and next as journeyman, for a certain number of years before he could be admitted a master. But the status of a permanent journeyman, all his life a hired labourer and nothing more, had no place in the crafts and guilds of the Middle Ages. In country villages, where a carpenter or a blacksmith cannot live and support hired labourers on the returns of his business, he is even now his own workman; and shopkeepers in similar circumstances are their own shopmen, or shopwomen. But wherever the extent of the market admits of it, the distinction is now fully established between the class of capitalists, or employers of labour, and the class of labourers; the capitalists, in general, contributing no other labour than that of direction and superintendence.

Edition: current; Page: [242]

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