Skip to main content

The Wealth of Nations: III

The Wealth of Nations
III
    • Notifications
    • Privacy
  • Project HomeThe Wealth of Nations
  • Projects
  • Learn more about Manifold

Notes

Show the following:

  • Annotations
  • Resources
Search within:

Adjust appearance:

  • font
    Font style
  • color scheme
  • Margins
table of contents
  1. Titlepage
  2. Imprint
  3. Editor’s Introduction
  4. Introduction and Plan of the Work
  5. The Wealth of Nations
    1. Book I
      1. I: Of the Division of Labour
      2. II: Of the Principle Which Gives Occasion to the Division of Labour
      3. III: That the Division of Labour Is Limited by the Extent of the Market
      4. IV: Of the Origin and Use of Money
      5. V: Of the Real and Nominal Price of Commodities, or of Their Price in Labour, and Their Price in Money
      6. VI: Of the Component Parts of the Price of Commodities
      7. VII: Of the Natural and Market Price of Commodities
      8. VIII: Of the Wages of Labour
      9. IX: Of the Profits of Stock
      10. X: Of Wages and Profit in the Different Employments of Labour and Stock
        1. I: Inequalities Arising from the Nature of the Employments Themselves
        2. II: Inequalities Occasioned by the Policy of Europe
      11. XI: Of the Rent of Land
        1. I: Of the Produce of Land Which Always Affords Rent
        2. II: Of the Produce of Land Which Sometimes Does, and Sometimes Does Not, Afford Rent
        3. III: Of the Variations in the Proportion Between the Respective Values of That Sort of Produce Which Always Affords Rent, and of That Which Sometimes Does and Sometimes Does Not Afford Rent
          1. Digression Concerning the Variations in the Value of Silver During the Course of the Four Last Centuries
            1. First Period
            2. Second Period
            3. Third Period
            4. Variations in the Proportion Between the Respective Values of Gold and Silver
            5. Grounds of the Suspicion That the Value of Silver Still Continues to Decrease
            6. Different Effects of the Progress of Improvement Upon Three Different Sorts of Rude Produce
              1. First Sort
              2. Second Sort
              3. Third Sort
            7. Conclusion of the Digression Concerning the Variations in the Value of Silver
          2. Effects of the Progress of Improvement Upon the Real Price of Manufactures
        4. Conclusion of the Chapter
    2. Book II
      1. Introduction
      2. I: Of the Division of Stock
      3. II: Of Money Considered as a Particular Branch of the General Stock of the Society, or of the Expense of Maintaining the National Capital
      4. III: Of the Accumulation of Capital, or of Productive and Unproductive Labour
      5. IV: Of Stock Lent at Interest
      6. V: Of the Different Employment of Capitals
    3. Book III
      1. I: Of the Natural Progress of Opulence
      2. II: Of the Discouragement of Agriculture in the Ancient State of Europe After the Fall of the Roman Empire
      3. III: Of the Rise and Progress of Cities and Towns, After the Fall of the Roman Empire
      4. IV: How the Commerce of the Towns Contributed to the Improvement of the Country
    4. Book IV
      1. Introduction
      2. I: Of the Principle of the Commercial or Mercantile System
      3. II: Of Restraints Upon the Importation from Foreign Countries of Such Goods as Can Be Produced at Home
      4. III: Of the Extraordinary Restraints Upon the Importation of Goods of Almost All Kinds, from Those Countries with Which the Balance Is Supposed to Be Disadvantageous
        1. I: Of the Unreasonableness of Those Restraints Even Upon the Principles of the Commercial System
          1. Digression Concerning Banks of Deposit, Particularly Concerning That of Amsterdam
        2. II: Of the Unreasonableness of Those Extraordinary Restraints Upon Other Principles
      5. IV: Of Drawbacks
      6. V: Of Bounties
        1. Digression Concerning the Corn Trade and Corn Laws
      7. VI: Of Treaties of Commerce
      8. VII: Of Colonies
        1. I: Of the Motives for Establishing New Colonies
        2. II: Causes of the Prosperity of New Colonies
        3. III: Of the Advantages Which Europe Has Derived from the Discovery of America, and from That of a Passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope
      9. VIII: Conclusion of the Mercantile System
      10. IX: Of the Agricultural Systems, or of Those Systems of Political Œconomy, Which Represent the Produce of Land as Either the Sole or the Principal Source of the Revenue and Wealth of Every Country
    5. Book V
      1. I: Of the Expenses of the Sovereign or Commonwealth
        1. I: Of the Expense of Defence
        2. II: Of the Expense of Justice
        3. III: Of the Expense of Public Works and Public Institutions
          1. Article I: Of the Public Works and Institutions for Facilitating the Commerce of the Society
            1. And, First, of Those Which Are Necessary for Facilitating Commerce in General
            2. Of the Public Works and Institutions Which Are Necessary for Facilitating Particular Branches of Commerce
          2. Article II: Of the Expense of the Institutions for the Education of Youth
          3. Article III: Of the Expense of the Institutions for the Instruction of People of All Ages
        4. IV: Of the Expense of Supporting the Dignity of the Sovereign
        5. Conclusion
      2. II: Of the Sources of the General or Public Revenue of the Society
        1. I: Of the Funds or Sources of Revenue Which May Peculiarly Belong to the Sovereign or Commonwealth
        2. II: Of Taxes
          1. Article I
            1. Taxes Upon Rent; Taxes Upon the Rent of Land
            2. Taxes Which Are Proportioned, Not to the Rent, but to the Produce of Land
            3. Taxes Upon the Rent of Houses
          2. Article II
            1. Taxes Upon Profit, or Upon the Revenue Arising from Stock
            2. Taxes Upon the Profit of Particular Employments
          3. Appendix to Articles I and II
          4. Article III: Taxes Upon the Wages of Labour
          5. Article IV: Taxes Which, It Is Intended, Should Fall Indifferently Upon Every Different Species of Revenue
            1. Capitation Taxes
            2. Taxes Upon Consumable Commodities
      3. III: Of Public Debts
  6. Appendix
  7. Endnotes 1–500
  8. Endnotes 501–1,000
  9. Endnotes 1,001–1,500
  10. Endnotes 1,501–1,647
  11. Colophon
  12. Uncopyright

III

That the Division of Labour Is Limited by the Extent of the Market

As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the division of labour, so the extent of this division must always be limited by the extent of that power, or, in other words, by the extent of the market. When the market is very small, no person can have any encouragement to dedicate himself entirely to one employment, for want of the power to exchange all that surplus part of the produce of his own labour, which is over and above his own consumption, for such parts of the produce of other men’s labour as he has occasion for.

There are some sorts of industry, even of the lowest kind, which can be carried on nowhere but in a great town. A porter, for example, can find employment and subsistence in no other place. A village is by much too narrow a sphere for him; even an ordinary market town is scarce large enough to afford him constant occupation. In the lone houses and very small villages which are scattered about in so desert a country as the Highlands of Scotland, every farmer must be butcher, baker and brewer for his own family. In such situations we can scarce expect to find even a smith, a carpenter, or a mason, within less than twenty miles of another of the same trade. The scattered families that live at eight or ten miles distance from the nearest of them, must learn to perform themselves a great number of little pieces of work, for which, in more populous countries, they would call in the assistance of those workmen. Country workmen are almost everywhere obliged to apply themselves to all the different branches of industry that have so much affinity to one another as to be employed about the same sort of materials. A country carpenter deals in every sort of work that is made of wood: a country smith in every sort of work that is made of iron. The former is not only a carpenter, but a joiner, a cabinet maker, and even a carver in wood, as well as a wheelwright, a ploughwright, a cart and wagon maker. The employments of the latter are still more various. It is impossible there should be such a trade as even that of a nailer in the remote and inland parts of the Highlands of Scotland. Such a workman at the rate of a thousand nails a day, and three hundred working days in the year, will make three hundred thousand nails in the year. But in such a situation it would be impossible to dispose of one thousand, that is, of one day’s work in the year.

As by means of water-carriage a more extensive market is opened to every sort of industry than what land-carriage alone can afford it, so it is upon the seacoast, and along the banks of navigable rivers, that industry of every kind naturally begins to subdivide and improve itself, and it is frequently not till a long time after that those improvements extend themselves to the inland parts of the country. A broad-wheeled wagon, attended by two men, and drawn by eight horses, in about six weeks time carries and brings back between London and Edinburgh near four ton weight of goods. In about the same time a ship navigated by six or eight men, and sailing between the ports of London and Leith, frequently carries and brings back two hundred ton weight of goods. Six or eight men, therefore, by the help of water-carriage, can carry and bring back in the same time the same quantity of goods between London and Edinburgh, as fifty broad-wheeled wagons, attended by a hundred men, and drawn by four hundred horses.145 Upon two hundred tons of goods, therefore, carried by the cheapest land-carriage from London to Edinburgh, there must be charged the maintenance of a hundred men for three weeks, and both the maintenance, and, what is nearly equal to the maintenance, the wear and tear of four hundred horses as well as of fifty great wagons. Whereas, upon the same quantity of goods carried by water, there is to be charged only the maintenance of six or eight men, and the wear and tear of a ship of two hundred tons burden, together with the value of the superior risk, or the difference of the insurance between land and water-carriage. Were there no other communication between those two places, therefore, but by land-carriage, as no goods could be transported from the one to the other, except such whose price was very considerable in proportion to their weight, they could carry on but a small part of that commerce which at present subsists146 between them, and consequently could give but a small part of that encouragement which they at present mutually afford to each other’s industry. There could be little or no commerce of any kind between the distant parts of the world. What goods could bear the expense of land-carriage between London and Calcutta?147 Or if there were148 any so precious as to be able to support this expense, with what safety could they be transported through the territories of so many barbarous nations? Those two cities, however, at present carry on a very considerable commerce with each other,149 and by mutually affording a market, give a good deal of encouragement to each other’s industry.

Since such, therefore, are the advantages of water-carriage, it is natural that the first improvements of art and industry should be made where this conveniency opens the whole world for a market to the produce of every sort of labour, and that they should always be much later in extending themselves into the inland parts of the country. The inland parts of the country can for a long time have no other market for the greater part of their goods, but the country which lies round about them, and separates them from the seacoast, and the great navigable rivers. The extent of their market, therefore, must for a long time be in proportion to the riches and populousness of that country, and consequently their improvement must always be posterior to the improvement of that country. In our North American colonies the plantations have constantly followed either the seacoast or the banks of the navigable rivers, and have scarce anywhere extended themselves to any considerable distance from both.

The nations that, according to the best authenticated history, appear to have been first civilized, were those that dwelt round the coast of the Mediterranean sea. That sea, by far the greatest inlet that is known in the world, having no tides, nor consequently any waves except such as are caused by the wind only,150 was, by the smoothness of its surface, as well as by the multitude of its islands, and the proximity of its neighbouring shores, extremely favourable to the infant navigation of the world; when, from their ignorance of the compass, men were afraid to quit the view of the coast, and from the imperfection of the art of shipbuilding, to abandon themselves to the boisterous waves of the ocean. To pass beyond the pillars of Hercules, that is, to sail out of the Straits of Gibraltar, was, in the ancient world, long considered as a most wonderful and dangerous exploit of navigation. It was late before even the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, the most skilful navigators and shipbuilders of those old times, attempted it, and they were for a long time the only nations that did attempt it.

Of all the countries on the coast of the Mediterranean sea, Egypt seems to have been the first in which either agriculture or manufactures were cultivated and improved to any considerable degree. Upper Egypt extends itself nowhere above a few miles from the Nile, and in Lower Egypt that great river breaks itself into many different canals,151 which, with the assistance of a little art, seem to have afforded a communication by water-carriage, not only between all the great towns, but between all the considerable villages, and even to many farmhouses in the country; nearly in the same manner as the Rhine and the Maese do in Holland at present. The extent and easiness of this inland navigation was probably one of the principal causes of the early improvement of Egypt.

The improvements in agriculture and manufactures seem likewise to have been of very great antiquity in the provinces of Bengal in the East Indies, and in some of the eastern provinces of China; though the great extent of this antiquity is not authenticated by any histories of whose authority we, in this part of the world, are well assured. In Bengal the Ganges and several other great rivers form a great number of navigable canals152 in the same manner as the Nile does in Egypt. In the Eastern provinces of China too, several great rivers form, by their different branches, a multitude of canals, and by communicating with one another afford an inland navigation much more extensive than that either of the Nile or the Ganges, or perhaps than both of them put together. It is remarkable that neither the ancient Egyptians, nor the Indians, nor the Chinese, encouraged foreign commerce, but seem all to have derived their great opulence from this inland navigation.

All the inland parts of Africa, and all that part of Asia which lies any considerable way north of the Euxine and Caspian seas, the ancient Scythia, the modern Tartary and Siberia, seem in all ages of the world to have been in the same barbarous and uncivilized state in which we find them at present. The sea of Tartary is the frozen ocean which admits of no navigation, and though some of the greatest rivers in the world run through that country,153 they are at too great a distance from one another to carry commerce and communication through the greater part of it. There are in Africa none of those great inlets, such as the Baltic and Adriatic seas in Europe, the Mediterranean and Euxine seas in both Europe and Asia, and the gulfs of Arabia, Persia, India, Bengal, and Siam, in Asia, to carry maritime commerce into the interior parts of that great continent: and the great rivers of Africa are at too great a distance from one another to give occasion to any considerable inland navigation. The commerce besides which any nation can carry on by means of a river which does not break itself into any great number of branches or canals, and which runs into another territory before it reaches the sea, can never be very considerable; because it is always in the power of the nations who possess that other territory to obstruct the communication between the upper country and the sea. The navigation of the Danube is of very little use to the different states of Bavaria, Austria and Hungary, in comparison of what it would be if any154 of them possessed the whole of its course till it falls into the Black Sea.155

Annotate

Next Chapter
IV
PreviousNext
The source text and artwork in this ebook are believed to be in the United States public domain; that is, they are believed to be free of copyright restrictions in the United States. They may still be copyrighted in other countries, so users located outside of the United States must check their local laws before using this ebook. The creators of, and contributors to, this ebook dedicate their contributions to the worldwide public domain via the terms in the CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication.
Powered by Manifold Scholarship. Learn more at
Opens in new tab or windowmanifoldapp.org