1. Compare the chapter on Gothic Palaces in Ruskin’s Stones of Venice.

2. Professor Albion W. Small puts it as follows: “Described with respect to form rather than content, the social process is a tide of separating and blending social processes, consisting of incessant decomposition and recomposition of relations within persons and between persons, in a continuous evolution of types of persons and of associations.” (American Journal of Sociology, 18, 210.)

3. “I rather demur to Dinosaurus not having ‘free will,’ as surely we have.” (More Letters of Charles Darwin, vol. I, 155.)

4. W. C. Mitchell, Business Cycles, 581.

5. Autobiography of Henry M. Stanley, 535.

6. Among the writers who have expounded conflict and co-operation as phases of a single organic process are J. Novicow, in Les luttes entre sociétés humaines, and Lester F. Ward, in Pure Sociology. Professor L. M. Bristol gives a summary of their views in his Social Adaptation.

7. The word means, in general, devotion to a small part as against the whole, and is most commonly used in historical writing to describe excessive attachment to localities or factions as against nations or other larger unities.

8. American sociologists are, with a few exceptions, opponents of particularism and upholders of the organic view. Among recent writers of which this is notably true I may mention C. A. Ellwood, in his Introduction to Social Psychology and other works, E. C. Hayes, in his Introduction to the Study of Sociology and his papers on methodology, Maurice Parmelee, in his works on poverty and criminology, L. M. Bristol, in his Social Adaptation, Blackmar and Gillin, in their Outlines of Sociology, and A. J. Todd, in his Theories of Social Progress.

9. Compare the views of Professor A. G. Keller, as expressed in his Societal Evolution, 141 ff.

10. Other varieties of particularism are discussed in Chapters XV, XVIII, XXI and XXII.

11. In chapter V of her work.

12. Conversations with Eckermann, April 1, 1827.

13. Morley’s Burke, 8.

14. See § 138 of his Introduction to Economics.

15. If the reader cares for my view as to whether social stratification tends to increase or diminish, I beg to refer to the discussion of that subject in part IV of my Social Organization.

16. Herndon and Weik, Abraham Lincoln, vol. II, 54, 55.

17. How Germany Makes War, 111.

18. Psalm 37.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. I Peter 3:12.

22. See his Essay, Of Glory.

23. Tout, The Empire and the Papacy, 412.

24. Religio Medici, par. 18.

25. From the Advancement of Learning.

26. No. 106.

27. Emerson, Spiritual Laws.

28. Goethe.

29. Of Glory.

30. John Burroughs in his essay, Recent Phases of Literary Criticism.

31. Plato, Symposium.

32. Guizot, France, chap. V.

33. There is a fuller discussion in the chapter on The Sphere of Pecuniary Valuation.

34. James Logan in System, December, 1916.

35. Henry Ford in System, November, 1916.

36. H. G. Wells.

37. Kuno Francke in the Atlantic Monthly, November, 1914.

38. The Atlantic Monthly, September, 1911.

39. Areopagitica.

40. The Survey, vol. 29, p. 419.

41. The Chicago Commons Year-Book, 1911.

42. Any one who cares for a moving yet trustworthy account of the way city conditions affect the young may find it in Jane Addams’s books, especially The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, and A New Conscience and an Ancient Evil.

43. See the Annual Report for 1909.

44. See his Folkways, sec. 115.

45. The Native Tribes of Central Australia, 7.

46. Kafir Socialism, 41, 42.

47. Ibid., 145.

48. Ibid., 192, 193.

49. Savage Childhood, 108.

50. Travels in West Africa, 403.

51. See his Hereditary Genius.

52. The very statement of the problem as one of “heredity and environment” implies a biological point of view, because the biological factor, heredity, is made central while the social is merely a surrounding condition or “environment.”

53. Professor E. A. Ross, in his Foundations of Sociology, has a good summary of the earlier literature of social selection, and a bibliography. See pp. 327 ff.

54. According to the estimates of W. I. King, in his Wealth and Income of the People of the United States, the number of families in each of these classes, excluding single men and women, would have been, in 1910: Well-to-do families, 1,437,190; families in want, 1,870,000; families in an intermediate state, 14,970,000. See Chap. IX, Table XLIII, from which these figures are computed.

55. See the three articles on Race Suicide in the United States, by W. S. Thompson, The Scientific Monthly, July, August, and September, 1917.

56. Galton’s practical eugenic programme is given in Sociological Papers (an early publication of the English Sociological Society), vol. I, 45 ff. For the general argument, see his Hereditary Genius.

57. The view that race degenerates under civilization is developed at length and with much pessimistic ardor by G. Vacher de Lapouge in his work, Les sélections sociales.

58. Apart from the mixture of races, or changes in their relative numbers.

59. A. G. Warner, American Charities (Revised Edition), 60.

60. Professor Edward T. Devine suggests this distinction in his book, Misery and Its Causes.

61. I hardly need say, regarding the class revolution in Russia, that that country was lacking in those conditions of intelligence, communication, and economic development which my argument assumes to exist.

62. See his Industrial Evolution, translation, p. 382.

63. The human-nature values, of course, vary much less than the institutional values. Thus fashions vary infinitely, but conformity, the human-nature basis of allegiance to fashion, remains much the same.

64. Pecunia, from pecus, cattle.

65. B. M. Anderson, Jr., Social Value, p. 116.

66. They are recognized a great deal, and with the best results, by economists interested, as most are, in practical reforms.

67. See, for example, the penetrating study of Social Value by B. M. Anderson, Jr.

It is curious that although orthodox economics has mostly ignored the importance of institutional processes, its own history offers as good an illustration of this importance as could be desired. I mean that the spirit and underlying ideas of the science can be understood only as the product of a school of thought, of a special institutional development.

68. By calling these values “personal” I mean merely that they tend to enrich persons; their economic character is multifarious.

69. Production has a special institutional development of its own which I shall not attempt to discuss in this connection.

70. Compare W. I. King, Wealth and Income of the People of the United States, chap. IX.

71. In this connection the reader will, no doubt, recall the work of Professor Veblen along this line.

72. Perhaps I may be allowed to refer in this connection to the more extended, though inadequate, treatment of classes in my Social Organization.

73. For a very strong statement by a conservative economist of the power of class over opportunities and personal values, I may refer to the treatment of the subject by Professor Seager in his Introduction to Economics, § 138. Compare ante, Chapter VIII.

74. Professor A. S. Johnson in a Phi Beta Kappa address has vigorously presented this line of thought. He holds that: “The ultimate need of the new industrialism ... is ... artists and poets who shall translate society and social man into terms of values worth serving.”

75. The most satisfactory account I know of the stages of synthesis in the development of intelligence, from the simplest assimilation of stimulus and consequence—as when a burnt child dreads the fire—to the most complex purposive action—as in the development and application of science—is found in L. T. Hobhouse’s Mind in Evolution, chaps. V-XIV.

76. Physics and Politics, 214.

77. Thoughts About Art, 255.

78. Societal Evolution, 63.

79. Lanier, To Richard Wagner.

80. I touch but briefly upon public opinion in this book because I have already treated it at considerable length in my Social Organization.

81. See his Hereditary Genius. Among other criticisms of his views was a pamphlet I published called Genius, Fame and the Comparison of Races (No. 197 of the Publications of the American Academy of Political and Social Science). There is a good account of the literature of the subject in Lester F. Ward’s Applied Sociology.

82. Quoted ante, p. 29.

83. Darwin, Descent of Man, chap. IV.

84. “The dispositions of human nature which made synthetic drama at the beginning are ready to make it again. They never needed drama as they do now in their day of exile. A community drama which knew how to use these varied dispositions toward expression—not only song and dance, but the instinct of workmanship, the latent passion which is in multitudes of people for shaping material things into beautiful forms for social use—such a community theatre would become a profound economic necessity, would command kinds of power and quantities of power whose existence we scarcely guess, would create a new social situation in the lives of all those it touched, and would in time be the parent of new art forms and social forms unforeseen, propitious, splendid.”—John Collier in The Survey, vol. 36, p. 259.