CHAPTER ONE: IMAGINING CENTRAL AMERICA
1. John A. Booth, Christine J. Wade, and Thomas W. Walker, Understanding Central America: Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change (Boulder: Westview Press, 2015), 34.
2. Edelberto Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 3–4.
3. Ibid.,1–2.
4. Robert Patch, Indians and the Political Economy of Colonial Central America, 1670–1810 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013), 138.
5. Joan Martínez-Alier, “Conflictos ambientales en Centroamérica y las Antillas: Un rápido toxic tour,” Ecología Política, 60 (2020): 53; “son los temas principales de la ecología política de la región: las fronteras de la extracción minera de oro, cobre, níquel, carbón; energía hidroeléctrica; plantaciones y extracción de biomasa; infraestructuras; compañías transnacionales; conflictos transfronterizos; el racismo anti-indígena y la nueva resistencia indígena y afroamericana; los abundantes asesinatos de activistas; las vinculaciones internacionales de los movimientos activistas . . . ”
6. Ibid., 148.
7. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 122.
8. Patch, Indians and the Political Economy of Colonial Central America, 1670–1810; Ralph Lee Woodward, Central America, A Nation Divided, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
9. Aviva Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2021), 13–14.
10. Christopher H. Lutz, Santiago de Guatemala, 1541–1773: City, Caste, and the Colonial Experience (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 127.
11. William M. Denevan, ed., The Native Population of the Americas in 1492 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), xvii–xxix.
12. Patch, Indians and the Political Economy of Colonial Central America, 1670–1810, 80.
13. W. George Lovell and Christopher H. Lutz, “The Historical Demography of Colonial Central America,” Yearbook (Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers) 17/18 (1990): 129.
14. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 3.
15. Héctor Pérez-Brignoli, El laberinto centroamericano: Los hilos de la historia (San José, Costa Rica: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central, 2017), 33.
16. Serena Cosgrove, Leadership from the Margins: Women and Civil Society Organizations in Argentina, Chile, and El Salvador (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2010), 76.
17. Denevan, The Native Population of the Americas in 1492, xvii–xxix.
18. Ibid.; Linda A. Newson, “The Demographic Impact of Colonization,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America, ed. Victor Bulmer-Thomas, John Coatsworth, and Roberto Cortes-Conde, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 143.
19. Sylvia Sellers-García, Distance and Documents at the Spanish Empire’s Periphery (Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 2013), 8.
20. Ibid., 143.
21. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 125.
22. BELIZE, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/belize/#people-and-society; http://sib.org.bz/census-data/
GUATEMALA, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/guatemala/#people-and-society; https://www.censopoblacion.gt/explorador
EL SALVADOR, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/el-salvador/#people-and-society; http://www.digestyc.gob.sv/index.php/temas/des/poblacion-y-estadisticas-demograficas/censo-de-poblacion-y-vivienda/poblacion-censos.html
HONDURAS, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/honduras/#people-and-society; https://www.ine.gob.hn/publicaciones/Censos/Censo_2013/06Tomo-VI-Grupos-Poblacionales/cuadros.html
NICARAGUA, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/nicaragua/#people-and-society; https://www.inide.gob.ni/Home/Compendioshttps://www.inide.gob.ni/Home/Compendios
COSTARICA, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/costa-rica/#people-and-society; https://www.inec.cr/poblacion/temas-especiales-de-poblacion
PANAMA, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/panama/#people-and-society; https://www.inec.gob.pa/publicaciones/Default3.aspx?ID_PUBLICACION=360&ID_CATEGORIA=13&ID_SUBCATEGORIA=59
23. Christopher H. Lutz, Santiago de Guatemala, 1541–1773, and Sellers-García, Distance and Documents at the Spanish Empire’s Periphery, 8–9, for Guatemala; Germán Romero Vargas, Las estructuras sociales de Nicaragua en el siglo XVIII (Managua: Vanguardia, 1988), and Germán Romero Vargas, Las sociedades del Atlántico en Nicaragua en los siglos XVII y XVIII (Managua: Fondo de Promoción Cultural-BANIC, 1995), for Nicaragua.
24. Lowell Gudmundson and Justin Wolfe, Blacks and Blackness in Central America: Between Race and Place (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 2.
25. Jeffrey L. Gould and Aldo Lauria-Santiago define mestizaje as “a nation-building myth of race mixture and a cultural process of ‘deindianization,’ [that] has contributed substantially to Central American . . . nationalist ideologies and played a key role in shaping contemporary political culture.” To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920–1932 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008), xv.
26. Ibid., 4.
27. Ibid., 19.
28. Lynn V. Foster, A Brief History of Central America, 2nd ed. (New York: Checkmark Books, 2007), 71.
29. Newson, “The Demographic Impact of Colonization,” 153.
30. Ibid.
31. Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History, 7.
32. H. Glenn Penny, “Latin American Connections: Recent Work on German Interactions with Latin America,” in Central European History 46 (2013): 362.
33. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 27.
34. Ibid.
35. David Díaz Arias and Ronny J. Viales, “Sociedad imaginada: El ideario político de la integración excluyente en Centroamérica: 1821–1870,” 208.
36. In Guatemala, this growing segment of the population is referred to as ladinos, which probably has its roots in the early Spanish colonial term “ladino,” a term used to describe an Indigenous person who spoke Spanish (Patch, Indians and the Political Economy of Colonial Central America, 1670–1810).
37. Cited in Gould and Lauria-Santiago, To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920–1932, 7.
38. See Jeffrey Gould, “Gender, Politics, and the Triumph of Mestizaje in Early 20th Century Nicaragua,” Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 1 (1996): 4–33 for Nicaragua, and Diane M. Nelson, “Perpetual Creation and Decomposition: Bodies, Gender, and Desire in the Assumptions of a Guatemalan Discourse of Mestizaje,” Journal of Latin American Anthropology 4, no. 1 (1998): 74–111 for Guatemala.
39. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 28.
40. Ralph Lee Woodward, Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala, 1821–1871 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1993), xiii.
41. Ralph Lee Woodward, “The Rise and Decline of Liberalism in Central America: Historical Perspectives on the Contemporary Crisis,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 26, no. 3 (1984): 292, https://doi:10.2307/165672.
42. Arias and Viales, “Sociedad imaginada: El ideario político de la integración excluyente en Centroamérica: 1821–1870,” 217; “En definitiva, en sus intentos por producir gobiernos buenos, los primeros liberales centroamericanos chocaron con las estructuras coloniales que pretendían cambiar y, pronto, se percataron de que el futuro que podían imaginar, dependía no solo de los buenos deseos, sino de producir Estados sobre bases sumamente desiguales. Los grupos ‘conservadores’ vieron en aquellos ideales liberales, los orígenes del mal gobierno y soñaron e insistieron en volver al ‘orden’ colonial, consiguiendo que las masas populares los apoyaran en varias ocasiones . . . ”
43. Víctor Acuña Ortega, “Centroamérica: Raíces autoritarias y brotes democráticos,” Envío 170 (1996): 3.
44. Ibid., 6.
45. Pérez-Brignoli, El laberinto centroamericano, 35.
46. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 9.
47. Ibid., 3.
48. Jordana Dym, From Sovereign Villages to National States: City, State, and Federation in Central America, 1759–1839 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006), 261.
49. Woodward, Central America, A Nation Divided, 112.
50. Ibid., 91.
51. Jordana Dym and Christophe Belaubre, Politics, Economy, and Society in Bourbon Central America, 1759–1821 (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2007), 267.
52. Gudmundson and Lindo-Fuentes, Central America, 1821–1871: Liberalism before Liberal Reform, 86.
53. Woodward, Central America, A Nation Divided, 292.
54. Ibid., 92.
55. Ibid.,92–93.
56. Gudmundson and Lindo-Fuentes, Central America, 1821–1871: Liberalism before Liberal Reform, 88.
57. Ibid., 90.
58. Gudmundson and Lindo-Fuentes, Central America, 1821–1871: Liberalism before Liberal Reform, 83.
59. Acuña Ortega, “Centroamérica: Raíces autoritarias y brotes democráticos,” 4; “haya persistido una cultura política basada en el despotismo, el militarismo, la alienación y la deferencia.”
60. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 13.
61. Ibid., 47.
62. Ibid., 20.
63. Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History, 31.
64. Alberto Martín Álvarez, “Desafiando la hegemonía neoliberal: Ideologías de cambio radical en la Centroamérica de posguerra,” Historia Actual Online, 25 (2011): 113.
65. Nora Hamilton and Norma Stoltz Chinchilla, “Central American Migration: A Framework for Analysis,” Latin American Research Review 26, no. 1 (1991): 105.
66. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 61.
67. Mariel Aguilar-Støen, “Beyond Transnational Corporations, Food and Biofuels: The Role of Extractivism and Agribusiness in Land Grabbing in Central America,” Forum for Development Studies 43, no. 1 (2016): 155–75.
68. Pew Research Center, “Religion in Latin America: Widespread Change in a Historically Catholic Region,” November 13, 2014, https://www.pewforum.org/2014/11/13/religion-in-latin-america/
69. Marta Tienda and Susana M. Sánchez, “Latin American Immigration to the United States,” Daedalus 142, no. 3 (2013): 48–64.
70. Hamilton and Chinchilla, “Central American Migration: A Framework for Analysis,” 81.
71. Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History, 219.
72. Hamilton and Chinchilla, “Central American Migration: A Framework for Analysis,” 57.
73. Allison O’Connor, Jeanne Batalova, and Jessica Bolter, “Central American Immigrants in the United States,” Migration Policy Institute, August 15, 2019: 1, accessed January 31, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-american-immigrants-united-states-2017
74. José Luis Rocha, “Tres años de represión y exilio de los nicaragüenses: 2018–2021,” CETRI, November 12, 2021: 2, accessed November 23, 2021, https://www.cetri.be/Tres-anos-de-represion-y-exilio-de. “Los últimos datos disponibles en el U.S. Census Bureau (2019, 2019a) señalan que en Estados Unidos viven 257,343 personas nacidas en Nicaragua, 745,838 nacidas en Honduras, 1,111,495 nacidas en Guatemala y 1,412,101 nacidas en El Salvador. A esta población hay que sumar sus descendientes, migrantes de segunda y tercera generación, hasta totalizar 429,501 nicaragüenses, 1,083,540 hondureños, 1,683,093 guatemaltecos y 2,311,574 salvadoreños por su origen. Esta migración ha sido alimentada por camadas de tamaño creciente, cuyo saldo queda reflejado en esas cifras.”
75. Jie Zong and Jeanne Batalova, “Central American Immigrants in the United States,” Migration Policy Institute, September 2, 2015, accessed January 24, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-american-immigrants-united-states-2013.
76. Hamilton and Chinchilla, “Central American Migration: A Framework for Analysis,” 99.
77. Steven A. Camarota and Karen Zeigler, Central American Immigrant Population Increased Nearly 28-Fold since 1970, November 1, 2018, https://cis.org/Report/Central-American-Immigrant-Population-Increased-Nearly-28Fold-1970; Manuel Orozco, Recent Trends in Central American Migration, 2018, https://www.thedialogue.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Recent-Trends-in-Central-American-Migration-1.pdf; Jie Zong and Jeanne Batalova, “Central American Immigrants in the United States,” Migration Policy Institute, September 2, 2015, accessed January 24, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-american-immigrants-united-states-2013.
78. Allison O’Connor, Jeanne Batalova, and Jessica Bolter, “Central American Immigrants in the United States,” Migration Policy Institute, August 15, 2019, accessed January 31, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-american-immigrants-united-states-2017.
79. Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History, 225.
80. Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History.
81. Kevin Casas-Zamora, “The Travails of Development and Democratic Governance in Central America,” policy paper, Foreign Policy at Brookings, number 28 (June 2011): 21.
82. Education Policy and Data Center, Violence Threatens Educational Gains in Central America, accessed October 19, 2019, https://www.epdc.org/epdc-data-points/violence-threatens-educational-gains-central-america
83. Global Impunity Dimensions, GII-2017 Global Impunity Index, August 2017, https://www.udlap.mx/cesij/files/IGI-2017_eng.pdf
84. Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2018, 2018, https://www.transparency.org/cpi2018
85. World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 2014 Report, https://worldjusticeproject.org/sites/default/files/documents/
RuleofLawIndex2014.pdf; World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 2015 Report, https://worldjusticeproject.org/sites/default/files/documents/
roli_2015_0.pdf; World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 2016 Report, https://worldjusticeproject.org/sites/default/files/documents/
RoLI_Final-Digital_0.pdf; World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 2017–2018 Report, https://worldjusticeproject.org/sites/default/files/documents/WJP-ROLI-2018-June-Online-Edition_0.pdf; World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 2019 Report. https://worldjusticeproject.org/sites/default/files/documents/WJP_Rule
ofLawIndex_2019_Website_reduced.pdf
CHAPTER TWO: A BRIEF HISTORY OF BELIZE
1. Norman Hammond, “The Prehistory of Belize,” Journal of Field Archaeology 9, no. 3 (1982): 1.
2. Melissa A. Johnson, “The Making of Race and Place in Nineteenth-Century British Honduras,” Environmental History 8, no. 4 (2003): 600.
3. Nancy Lundgren, “Children, Race, and Inequality: The Colonial Legacy in Belize,” Journal of Black Studies 23, no.1 (1992): 100.
4. Matthew Lange, James Mahoney, and Matthias Vom Hau, “Colonialism and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Spanish and British Colonies,” American Journal of Sociology 111, no. 5 (2006): 1427, https://doi.org/10.1086/499510
5. Lundgren, “Children, Race, and Inequality,” 93.
6. John C. Everitt, “The Torch is Passed: Neocolonialism in Belize,” Caribbean Quarterly 33, no. 3/4 (1987): 44.
7. Elisabeth Cunin and Odile Hoffmann, “From Colonial Domination to the Making of the Nation: Ethno-Racial Categories in Censuses and Reports and their Political Uses in Belize, 19th–20th Centuries,” Caribbean Studies 4, no.2 (2013): 44.
8. Alma H. Young and Dennis H. Young, “The Impact of the Anglo-Guatemalan Dispute on the Internal Politics of Belize,” Latin American Perspectives 15, no. 2 (1988): 21.
9. Mark Moberg, “Structural Adjustment and Rural Development: Inferences from a Belizean Village,” The Journal of Developing Areas 27, no.1 (1992): 4.
10. Annita Montoute, “CARICOM’s External Engagements: Prospects and Challenges for Caribbean Regional Integration and Development,” German Marshall Fund of the United States (2015): 2, http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep18854.
11. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), The World Factbook: Ethnic Groups, 2018, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/fields/400.html#PM
12. Isabeau J. Belisle Dempsey, “Framing the Center: Belize and Panamá within the Central American Imagined Community,” SUURJ: Seattle University Undergraduate Research Journal 4, no. 13 (2020): 87, https://scholarworks.seattleu.edu/suurj/vol4/iss1/13
13. Pete Wilkinson, “Tourism—The Curse of the Nineties? Belize—An Experiment to Integrate Tourism and the Environment,” Community Development Journal 27 (1992): 386.
14. Carol Key and Vijayan K. Pillai, “Tourism and Ethnicity in Belize: A Qualitative Study,” International Review of Modern Sociology 33, no. 1 (2007): 133.
15. Ibid., 139.
16. Ibid.
17. Joseph O. Palacio, The Garifuna: A Nation Across Borders (Benque Viejo del Carmen, Belize: Cubola Productions, 2005), 145.
18. Young and Young, “The Impact of the Anglo-Guatemalan Dispute on the Internal Politics of Belize,” 9.
19. Young and Young, “The Impact of the Anglo-Guatemalan Dispute on the Internal Politics of Belize,” 11; Josef L. Kunz, “Guatemala vs. Great Britain: In Re Belice,” The American Journal of International Law 40, no. 2 (1946): 385, doi:10.2307/2193198.
20. Young and Young, “The Impact of the Anglo-Guatemalan Dispute on the Internal Politics of Belize,” 12.
21. Ibid.
22. Tony Thorndike, “The Conundrum of Belize: An Anatomy of a Dispute,” Social and Economic Studies 32, no. 2 (1983): 65.
23. Young and Young, “The Impact of the Anglo-Guatemalan Dispute on the Internal Politics of Belize,” 21.
24. O. Nigel Bolland, Colonialism and Resistance in Belize: Essays in Historical Sociology (Belize City: Cubola, 1988), 214.
25. Anthony J. Payne, “The Belize Triangle: Relations with Britain, Guatemala and the United States,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (199): 124, doi:10.2307/166131
CHAPTER THREE: A BRIEF HISTORY OF GUATEMALA
1. Susanne Jonas and Nestor Rodríguez, Guatemala-U.S. Migration: Transforming Regions (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014), 27.
2. “The Pre-Columbian History of Guatemala,” Science 6, no. 149 (2001): 514.
3. Hattula Moholy-Nagy, Historical Archaeology at Tikal, Guatemala, Tikal Reports, no. 37, Philadelphia: University Museum Publications, 2012.
4. Franco D. Rossi, William A Saturno, and Heather Hurst, “Maya Codex Book Production and the Politics of Expertise: Archaeology of a Classic Period Household at Xultun, Guatemala,” American Anthropologist 117, no. 1 (2015): 116–32.
5. W. George Lovell and Christopher H. Lutz, “‘A Dark Obverse’: Maya Survival in Guatemala: 1520–1994,” Geographical Review 86, no. 3 (1996): 400.
6. Dennis Tedlock, “Reading the Popul Vuh,” Conjunctions 3 (1982): 176.
7. Aridjis Homero, “Foreword: All was a Feathered Dream.” In Popol Vuh: A Retelling, by lan Stavans (Brooklyn, NY: Restless Books, xxxi).
8. Lovell and Lutz, “‘A Dark Obverse’: Maya Survival in Guatemala: 1520–1994,” 400–401.
9. Edward F. Fischer and R. McKenna Brown, Maya Cultural Activism in Guatemala (Austin: University of Texas Press, Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996), 8.
10. Catherine Komisaruk, Labor and Love in Guatemala: The Eve of Independence (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2013), 4.
11. Ibid., 7.
12. Brianna Leavitt-Alcántara, Alone at the Altar: Single Women and Devotion in Guatemala, 1670–1870 (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2018), 22.
13. Martha Few, Women Who Live Evil Lives: Gender, Religion, and the Politics of Power in Colonial Guatemala (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002); Leavitt-Alcántara, Alone at the Altar, to mention a few.
14. Timothy Hawkins, “A War of Words: Manuel Montúfar, Alejandro Marure, and the Politics of History in Guatemala,” The Historian 64, no. 3/4 (2002): 514.
15. Severo Martínez Peláez, La Patria del Criollo: An Interpretation of Colonial Guatemala (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009).
16. Marta Casaús Arzú, “El Genocidio: La máxima expresión del racismo en Guatemala: Una interpretación histórica y una reflexión.” Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En ligne], Colloques, September 23, 2009: 17, accessed November 27, 2021, https://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/57067; “El racismo va a ser un elemento clave en el nuevo Estado liberal oligárquico, en donde el indígena—que durante la Colonia estaba reconocido jurídicamente como un grupo socio-racial y gozaba de cierta autonomía para garantizar la buena marcha del Estado corporativo—pierde todos sus derechos y pasa a ser invisibilizado.”
17. W. George Lovell, “The Century After Independence: Land and Life in Guatemala, 1821–1920,” Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue Canadienne Des études Latino-américaines Et Caraïbes 19, no. 37/38 (1994): 244.
18. Ralph Lee Woodward, Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala, 1821–1871 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1993), 106.
19. Julie A. Charlip and E. Bradford Burns, Latin America: An Interpretive History, 9th ed. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2011), 124.
20. Greg Grandin, The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000), 110.
21. Leavitt-Alcántara, Alone at the Altar: Single Women and Devotion in Guatemala, 1670–1870, 202.
22. Lovell, “The Century After Independence: Land and Life in Guatemala, 1821–1920,” 246.
23. Grandin, The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation, 111.
24. Ibid.
25. Charles D. Brockett, “An Illusion of Omnipotence: U.S Policy toward Guatemala, 1954–1960,” Latin American Politics and Society 44, no.1 (2002): 92.
26. Charlip and Burns, Latin America: An Interpretive History, 233.
27. Richard H. Immerman, “Guatemala as Cold War History,” Political Science Quarterly 95, no. 4 (1981): 630.
28. Ibid., 631.
29. Gustavo Palma, “Un presente al que no se llega y un pasado que no nos abandona. Las falencias sociales que se resisten a desaparecer. Geopolítica, democracia inconclusa y exclusión social. Guatemala, 1944–2019,” in Laberintos y bifurcaciones. Historia inmediata de México y América Central, 1940–2020, ed. Ronny Viales (San José: Universidad de Costa Rica—Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central, 2021), 76; “Puede afirmarse, sin lugar a dudas, que en las últimas décadas del siglo pasado y en las casi dos del actual siglo XXI, el accionar político y económico de y en Guatemala ha estado determinado por la agenda estratégica y los intereses estadounidenses.”
30. Ibid.
31. Charlip and Burns, Latin America: An Interpretive History, 235.
32. Greg Grandin, “Everyday Forms of State Decomposition: Quetzaltenango, Guatemala, 1954,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19, no. 3 (2000): 303–20.
33. Stephen Kinzer, Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq (New York: Times Books/Henry Holt, 2006), 6.
34. Immerman, “Guatemala as Cold War History,” 642.
35. Frederick W. Marks, “The CIA and Castillo Armas in Guatemala, 1954: New Clues to an Old Puzzle,” Diplomatic History 14, no. 1 (1990): 85, http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/24912032.
36. Aviva Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2021), 82.
37. Charlip and Burns, Latin America: An Interpretive History, 238.
38. Brockett, “An Illusion of Omnipotence: U.S Policy toward Guatemala, 1954–1960,” 103.
39. Grandin, “Everyday Forms of State Decomposition: Quetzaltenango, Guatemala, 1954,” 319.
40. Siobhán Lloyd, “Guatemala,” Socialist Lawyer 64 (2013): 39.
41. Brockett, “An Illusion of Omnipotence: U.S Policy toward Guatemala, 1954–1960,” 107.
42. Lloyd, “Guatemala,” 39.
43. Rosemary Thorp, Corinne Caumartin, and George Gray-Molina, “Inequality, Ethnicity, Political Mobilisation and Political Violence in Latin America: The Cases of Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru,” Bulletin of Latin American Research, 25, no. 4 (2006): 463, http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/27733878.
44. Douglas Farah, “Papers Show U.S. Role in Guatemalan Abuses,” The Washington Post, March 11, 1999, https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/daily/march99/guatemala11.htm
45. Cheryl Rubenberg, “Israel and Guatemala: Arms, Advice and Counterinsurgency,” MERIP Middle East Report 140 (1986): 20, doi:10.2307/3012026.
46. Charlip and Burns, Latin America: An Interpretive History, 286.
47. Victoria Sanford, “From I, Rigoberta to the Commissioning of Truth: Maya Women and the Reshaping of Guatemalan History,” Cultural Critique 47 (2001): 29.
48. Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH), Guatemala Memory of Silence: Conclusions and Recommendations, 1999, https://hrdag.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/CEHreport-english.pdf; Victoria Sanford, Buried Secrets: Truth and Human Rights in Guatemala (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
49. Randall Janzen, “From Less War to More Peace: Guatemala’s Journey since 1996,” Peace Research 40, no. 1 (2008): 63.
50. Jonas and Rodríguez, Guatemala-U.S. Migration: Transforming Regions, 61.
51. See David Carey and M. Gabriela Torres, “Precursors to Femicide: Guatemalan Women in a Vortex of Violence,” Latin American Research Review 45, no. 3 (2010); Catherine Nolin Hanlon and Finola Shankar, “Gendered Spaces of Terror and Assault: The Testimonio of REMHI and the Commission for Historical Clarification in Guatemala,” Gender, Place & Culture 7, no. 3 (2000); Beatriz Manz, “The Continuum of Violence in Post-war Guatemala,” Social Analysis, 52, no. 2 (2008); Victoria Sanford, “From Genocide to Feminicide: Impunity and Human Rights in Twenty-First Century Guatemala,” Journal of Human Rights 7 (2008). Gender-based violence is defined as “any act that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women [and people with non-dominant gender identities], including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” Nancy Felipe Russo and Angela Pirlott, “Gender-based Violence: Concepts, Methods, and Findings,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1087 (2006): 181.
52. Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, “Femicide, the Most Extreme Expression of Violence against Women,” oig.cepal website, November 15, 2018, accessed July 20, 2019, https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/nota_27_eng.pdf
53. Karen Musalo and Blaine Bookey, “Crimes without Punishment: An Update on Violence against Women and Impunity in Guatemala,” Social Justice 40, no. 4 (2014): 107; Serena Cosgrove and Kristi Lee, “Persistence and Resistance: Women’s Leadership and Ending Gender-Based Violence in Guatemala,” Seattle Journal for Social Justice 14, no. 2 (2015): 309.
54. Grupo Guatemalteco de Mujeres (GGM), “Datos estadísticos: Muertes Violentas de Mujeres-MVM y República de Guatemala Actualizado (20/05/19),” GGM website, May 20, 2019, accessed July 20, 2019, http://ggm.org.gt/wp-content/uploads/2019/06Datos-Estad%C3%ADsticos-MVM-ACTUALIZADO-20-DE-MAYO-DE-2019.pdf
55. Ibid.
56. Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG), “Diálogos por el fortalecimiento de la justicia y el combate a la impunidad en Guatemala,” CICIG website, accessed August 12, 2019, https://www.cicig.org/comunicados-2019-c/informe-dialogos-por-el-fortalecimiento-de-la-justicia/
57. Shannon Drysdale Walsh and Cecilia Menjívar, “‘What Guarantees Do We Have?’ Legal Tolls and Persistent Impunity for Femicide in Guatemala,” Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 4 (2016): 40, https://doi.org/10.1111/laps.12001.
58. Cosgrove and Lee, “Persistence and Resistance: Women’s Leadership and Ending Gender-Based Violence in Guatemala.”
59. Fischer and Brown, Maya Cultural Activism in Guatemala, 5.
60. Ibid., 15.
61. Walter Flores and Miranda Rivers, “Frenar la corrupción después del conflicto: Movilización anticorrupción en Guatemala,” Special Reports, 482 (Washington: United States Institute of Peace, 2021), 3; “La comisión estaba encargada de ayudar a las instituciones del estado en la investigación y el desmantelamiento de grupos de seguridad ilegales y organizaciones de seguridad clandestinas que desde hacía tiempo amenazaban la democracia y la paz en Guatemala.”
62. Santiago Bastos, “¿Exclusiones renovadas? Tierra y migración en el siglo XXI,” in Colección Lectura a Fondo 2 (Guatemala: Agencia Española de Cooperación para el Desarrollo, 2017), 22. “Las remesas contribuyen a los sistemas de sustento de los 773,899 hogares que, en 2004, recibieron cada uno como promedio Q.2,240 mensuales a través de ellas, lo que equivale a haber contado con los ingresos de casi dos salarios mínimos más al mes en cada hogar. De este modo, la propia población rural emigrante de Guatemala acaba subsidiando al Estado en su papel de ‘lucha contra la pobreza.’”
CHAPTER FOUR: A BRIEF HISTORY OF EL SALVADOR
1. Susanne Jonas and Nestor Rodríguez, Guatemala-U.S. Migration: Transforming Regions (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014), x.
2. Luis Noe-Bustamente, Antonio Flores, and Sono Shah, “Facts on Hispanics of Salvadoran origin in the United States, 2017,” Pew Research Center Hispanic Trends (2017): 1, accessed October 19, 2019, https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/fact-sheet/u-s-hispanics-facts-on-salvadoran-origin-latinos/
3. Ignacio Ellacuría, SJ; Ignacio Martín-Baró, SJ; Segundo Montes, SJ; Juan Ramón Moreno, SJ; Joaquín López y López, SJ; Amando López, SJ; Elba Ramos (housekeeper); and Celina Ramos (housekeeper’s 16-year-old daughter).
4. Kathryn E. Sampeck, “Late Postclassic to Colonial Transformations of the Landscape in the Izalcos Region of Western El Salvador,” Ancient Mesoamerica, 21, no. 2 (2010): 261, http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/26309197
5. John Beverly, “El Salvador,” Social Text 5 (1982): 56.
6. Ibid.,56–57.
7. Mary Wilhelmine Williams, “The Ecclesiastical Policy of Francisco Morazán and the Other Central American Liberals,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 3, no. 2 (1920): 121, doi:10.2307/2518428.
8. Equipo Maiz, Historia de El Salvador: De como los guanacos no sucumbieron a los infames ultrajes de españoles, criollos, gringos y otras plagas (San Salvador: Algier’s Impresores S.A. de C.V, 1989), 58.
9. Paul D. Almeida, Waves of Protest: Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), 4.
10. Carlos Velásquez Carrillo, “La reconsolidación del régimen oligárquico en El Salvador: Los ejes de la transformación neoliberal.” In Concentración económica y poder político en América Latina, ed. Lisa North, Blanca Rubio, Alberto Acosta, and Carlos Pastor (Buenos Aires: Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, 2020), 182; “tanto la economía nacional como las decisiones del poder político, alternando la presidencia entre miembros de sus propios círculos familiares.”
11. James Dunkerley, The Long War: Dictatorship and Revolution in El Salvador (London: Junction Books, 1982), 7.
12. Mo Hume, “The Myths of Violence: Gender, Conflict, and Community in El Salvador,” Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 5 (2008): 69, http://www.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/27648120.
13. Robert Armstrong and Janet Shenk, El Salvador: The Face of Revolution (Boston: South End Press, 1999), 5.
14. Elisabeth J. Wood, “Civil War and the Transformation of Elite Representation in El Salvador,” in Conservative Parties, the Right, and Democracy in Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 228.
15. M. Dolores Albiac, “Los Ricos más Ricos de El Salvador,” Estudios Centroamericanos 54, no. 612 (1999): 841.
16. Beverly, “El Salvador,” 58.
17. Ralph Lee Woodward, “The Rise and Decline of Liberalism in Central America: Historical Perspectives on the Contemporary Crisis,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 26, no. 3 (1984): 296. doi:10.2307/165672.
18. Equipo Maiz, Historia de El Salvador: De como los guanacos no sucumbieron a los infames ultrajes de españoles, criollos, gringos y otras plagas, 76.
19. Ibid., 79.
20. Ibid., 80.
21. Jeffrey L. Gould and Aldo Lauria-Santiago, To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920–1932 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008), 211.
22. Ibid., xxiii.
23. Serena Cosgrove, Leadership from the Margins: Women and Civil Society Organizations in Argentina, Chile, and El Salvador (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2010), 78–79.
24. Rolando Ruiz, “Los sucesos de 1932: ¿Complot comunista, motín indígena o protesta subalterna? Una revisión historiográfica,” Revista de Humanidades, 5, no. 3 (2014):136 (San Salvador: Universidad de El Salvador), http://ri.ues.edu.sv/id/eprint/7791/2/7.pdf; “El recuerdo del levantamiento es la causa del temor anticomunista casi paranoico que se ha apoderado de la nación desde entonces. Dicho temor se expresa en la acusación de comunista que se lanza contra cualquier movimiento de reforma, por más modesto que sea.”
25. Equipo Maiz, Historia de El Salvador: De como los guanacos no sucumbieron a los infames ultrajes de españoles, criollos, gringos y otras plagas, 92.
26. For a copy of Archbishop Romero’s letter, see: https://griid.files.wordpress.com/2020/03/4a042-romeroe28099slettertopresidentcarter.pdf
27. Aviva Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2021), 132.
28. Cosgrove, Leadership from the Margins, 83.
29. Ibid., 85.
30. Quoted in Cosgrove, Leadership from the Margins, 84.
31. Terry Lynn Karl, “El Salvador’s Negotiated Revolution,” Foreign Affairs 71, no. 2 (1992), doi:10.2307/20045130; A. Rabasaet al., “Counterinsurgency Transition Case Study: El Salvador,” in From Insurgency to Stability: Volume II: Insights from Selected Case Studies, (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2010) 75–116, http://www/.jstor.org.proxy.seattleu.edu/stable/10.7249/mg1111-2osd.12
32. Equipo Maiz, Historia de El Salvador: De como los guanacos no sucumbieron a los infames ultrajes de españoles, criollos, gringos y otras plagas, 136.
33. Chris Norton, “Salvador’s Duarte backs down on peace talks, further weakening his influence,” The Christian Science Monitor, January 25, 1985, accessed January 12, 2022, https://www.csmonitor.com/1985/0125/osiege.html
34. Equipo Maiz, Historia de El Salvador: De como los guanacos no sucumbieron a los infames ultrajes de españoles, criollos, gringos y otras plagas, 143.
35. Ibid., 151.
36. Ralph Sprenkels, After Insurgency: Revolution and Electoral Politics in El Salvador (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018), 2.
37. Ibid., 5.
38. Edelberto Torres-Rivas, Revoluciones sin cambios revolucionarios: Ensayos sobre la crisis en Centroamérica (Guatemala: F&G Editores, 2011).
39. Sprenkels, After Insurgency, 330.
40. Almeida, Waves of Protest, 2.
41. Ibid., 209.
42. María Candelaria Navas, “Los movimientos de mujeres y feministas en la transición de posguerra y su aporte a los cambios culturales en El Salvador,” Revista Realidad, 151 (2018): 84; “. . . con ello, se fueron construyendo espacios institucionales para solventar problemáticas relacionadas con la subordinación femenina en la Asamblea Legislativa, donde funciona el Grupo Parlamentario de Mujeres, Unidades Municipales de la Mujer creadas en alcaldías y Políticas Municipales de Equidad de Género.”
43. Cosgrove, Leadership from the Margins, 88–89.
44. Rose J. Spalding, “From the Streets to the Chamber: Social Movements and the Mining Ban in El Salvador,” European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, no. 106 (2018): 47–74, https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10377
45. Gene Palumbo and Elisabeth Malkin, “Mining Ban in El Salvador Prizes Water Over Gold,” The New York Times, March 29, 2017.
46. Sonja Wolf, “Subverting Democracy: Elite Rule and the Limits to Political Participation in Post-War El Salvador,” Journal of Latin American Studies 41, no. 3 (2009): 430, doi:10.1017/S0022216X09990149.
47. Mike Anastario, Parcels: Memories of Salvadoran Migration (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2019), 42.
48. Ricardo Roque Baldovinos, “Nayib Bukele: Populismo e implosión democrática en El Salvador,” Andamios 18, no. 46 (2021): 242–243; “Bukele fue capaz de montar una estrategia que le permitió ganar en primera vuelta una contienda en que enfrentaba a los dos partidos emblemáticos del régimen de la Posguerra, con más experiencia, recursos y, aparentemente, arraigo territorial”
49. Gabriel Labrador and Julia Gararrete, “Bukele Responds to Avalanche of International Criticism: ‘The People Voted for This,’” NACLA, May 7, 2021, accessed November 29, 2021, https://nacla.org/news/2021/05/07/bukele-international-criticism-technical-coup
CHAPTER FIVE: A BRIEF HISTORY OF HONDURAS
1. Gloria Lara Pinto and George Hasemann, “Honduras antes del año 1500: Una visión regional de su evolución cultural tardía,” Revista de Arqueología Americana 8 (1993): 21; “Podemos concluir que el Valle de Naco en el periodo entre el 1300 y 1500 de C. se había convertido en un territorio multiétnico, en donde existía un predominio anterior a la conquista de probable origen nahua pipil. Los chontales del documento de 1539 podrían ser hablantes de maya o lenca o ambas cosas, puesto que ya hemos visto que bajo este apelativo eran incluidos ambos grupos por los nahua pipiles y esto estaría también en consonancia con la indicación ya discutida sobre las tres lenguas habladas en el Valle Naco en 1525.”
2. Ibid, 30.
3. Ibid., 32, 37.
4. Ibid., 41.
5. Scott Brady, “Honduras’ Transisthmian Corridor: A Case of Undeveloped Potential in Colonial Central America,” Revista Geográfica 133 (2003): 128.
6. Ronald N. Sheptak, “Colonial Masca in Motion: Tactics of Persistence of a Honduran Indigenous Community” (doctoral dissertation, Leiden University, 2013), 70.
7. Brady, “Honduras’ Transisthmian Corridor: A Case of Undeveloped Potential in Colonial Central America,” 139.
8. Taylor E. Mack, “Contraband Trade Through Trujillo, Honduras, 1720s–1782,” Year-book (Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers) 24 (1988): 46.
9. Ibid.
10. Tyler Shipley, “The New Canadian Imperialism and the Military Coup in Honduras,” Latin American Perspectives 40, no. 5 (2013), 45.
11. Mark B. Rosenberg, “Narcos and Politicos: The Politics of Drug Trafficking in Honduras,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2/3 (1988): 143.
12. Héctor Pérez-Brignoli, “El Fonógrafo En Los Trópicos: Sobre El Concepto de Banana Republic En La Obra de O. Henry,” Iberoamericana (2001-) 6, no. 23 (2006): 127, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41676097.
13. Molly Todd, “Race, Nation, and West Indian Immigration to Honduras, 1890–1940 (review),” Journal of World History 23, no. 2 (2012): 452.
14. Ibid.
15. Philip L. Shepherd, “The Tragic Course and Consequences of U.S. Policy in Honduras,” World Policy Journal 2, no. 1 (1984): 135.
16. Suyapa Portillo Villeda, Roots of Resistance: A Story of Gender, Race, and Labor on the North Coast of Honduras (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2021), 56.
17. Thomas M. Leonard, The History of Honduras (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011), 129.
18. Portillo Villeda, Roots of Resistance, 192.
19. Portillo Villeda, Roots of Resistance, 201.
20. Ralph Lee Woodward, “The Rise and Decline of Liberalism in Central America: Historical Perspectives on the Contemporary Crisis,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 26, no. 3 (1984): 306, doi:10.2307/165672.
21. Shepherd, “The Tragic Course and Consequences of U.S. Policy in Honduras,” 124.
22. Ibid., 116, 118.
23. Ibid.,127–128.
24. Jordan Swanson, “Unnatural Disasters: Public Health Lessons from Honduras,” Harvard International Review 22, no. 1 (2000): 32.
25. Ibid., 33.
26. Ibid., 34.
27. Shipley, “The New Canadian Imperialism and the Military Coup in Honduras,” 48.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., 49.
30. Thomas Legler, “Learning the Hard Way: Defending Democracy in Honduras,” International Journal 65, no. 3 (2010): 611–612.
31. Ibid., 606.
32. Ibid., 608.
33. Shipley, “The New Canadian Imperialism and the Military Coup in Honduras,” 50.
34. Ibid., 51.
35. Organization of American States, “Mission to Support the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras: About the Mission,” 2019, http://www.oas.org/en/spa/dsdsm/maccih/new/mision.asp
36. Amelia Frank-Vitale and Margarita Núñez Chaim, “‘Lady Frijoles’: Las caravanas centroamericanas y el poder de la hípervisibilidad de la migración indocumentada,” Entre Diversidades 7, no. 1 (2020): 55.
37. Ibid., 53.
38. Portillo Villeda, Roots of Resistance, 246.
39. Ibid., 217.
40. Mario Posas, “Movimientos Sociales en Honduras,” in Antología Del Pensamiento Hondureño Contemporáneo, ed. Ramón Romero (Buenos Aires, Argentina: CLACSO, 2019), https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvnp0kc9.16
41. Cecilia Menjívar and Shannon Drysdale Walsh, “The Architecture of Feminicide: The State, Inequalities, and Everyday Gender Violence in Honduras,” Latin American Research Review 52 (2017): 223.
42. Posas, “Movimientos Sociales en Honduras,” 274.
43. María José Méndez, “‘The River Told Me’: Rethinking Intersectionality from the World of Berta Cáceres.” Capitalism Nature Socialism 29, no. 1 (2018): 13.
44. Christopher A. Loperena, “Honduras Is Open for Business: Extractivist Tourism as Sustainable Development in the Wake of Disaster?” Journal of Sustainable Tourism 25, no. 5 (2017).
45. Ibid., 625.
46. Posas, “Movimientos Sociales en Honduras,” 275.
47. Global Witness, “Honduras: The Deadliest Country in the World for Environmental Activism,” Global Witness, March 14, 2017, https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/honduras-deadliest-country-world-environmental-activism/
48. Tierra de Resistentes, “Los resistentes in datos,” 2021, accessed February 3, 2022, https://tierraderesistentes.com/es/datos/
49. Meghan Krausch, “They Are Killing Our Leaders One by One,” The Progressive, October 2, 2019, https://progressive.org/latest/Honduran-indigenous-protesting-logging-killed-Krausch-191002/
CHAPTER SIX: A BRIEF HISTORY OF NICARAGUA
1. William M. Denevan, “The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 82, no. 3 (1992): 370.
2. Linda Newson, “The Depopulation of Nicaragua in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Latin American Studies 14, no. 2 (1982): 253. http://www.jstor.org/stable/156458
3. Ibid., 264.
4. Jaime Biderman, “The Development of Capitalism in Nicaragua: A Political Economic History.” Latin American Perspectives, 10, no. 1 (1983): 9, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2633361
5. Francis Merriman Stanger, “National Origins in Central America,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 12, no. 1 (1932): 41, doi:10.2307/2506428.
6. Robert Holden, Armies without Nations: Public Violence and State Formation in Central America, 1821–1960 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 80.
7. Ibid.
8. Luis Roniger, Transnational Politics in Central America (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2013), 46.
9. Biderman, “The Development of Capitalism in Nicaragua,” 11.
10. Craig S. Revels, “Coffee in Nicaragua: Introduction and Expansion in the Nineteenth Century,” Yearbook (Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers) 26 (2000): 17–28.
11. Edmund T. Gordon, Disparate Diasporas: Identity and Politics in an African Nicaraguan Community (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), 63.
12. Deborah Robb Taylor, The Times and Life of Bluefields: An Intergenerational Dialogue (Managua, Nicaragua: Academia de Geografia e Historia de Nicaragua, 2005), 32.
13. Gordon, Disparate Diasporas, ix.
14. Serena Cosgrove, José Idiáquez, Leonard Joseph Bent, and Andrew Gorvetzian, Surviving the Americas: Garifuna Persistence from Nicaragua to New York City (Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati Press, 2021).
15. Ibid., 38.
16. Gordon, Disparate Diasporas, 57.
17. Ibid., 61.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid., 63.
20. George Evans, “The Deaths of Somoza,” World Literature Today 8, no. 3 (2007): 38.
21. Lawrence A. Clayton, “The Nicaragua Canal in the Nineteenth Century: Prelude to American Empire in the Caribbean,” Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 2 (1987): 326.
22. Jeffrey H. Solomon and “Tortured History: Filibustering, Rhetoric, and Walker’s ‘War in Nicaragua’/
Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics 31 (2011): 105, https://www.jstor.org/stable/23216049.
23. Solomon and “Tortured History,” 108.
24. Ibid.
25. Michel Gobat, Confronting the American Dream: Nicaragua under U.S. Imperial Rule (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007), 40.
26. Joseph O. Baylen, “Sandino: Patriot or Bandit?” The Hispanic American Historical Review 31, no. 3 (1951): 407.
27. Gobat, Confronting the American Dream; Michael Schroeder and David C. Brooks, “Caudillismo Masked and Modernized: The Remaking of the Nicaraguan State via the Guardia Nacional, 1925–1936,” Middle Atlantic Review of Latin American Studies 2, no. 2 (2018): 6, https://doi.org/10.23870/marlas.169.
28. Schroeder and Brooks, “Caudillismo Masked and Modernized,” 6–7.
29. Evans, “The Deaths of Somoza,” 36.
30. Schroeder and Brooks, “Caudillismo Masked and Modernized,” 32.
31. Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1993), 226.
32. LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions, 226.
33. Ibid., 227.
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid., 226.
36. “Thousands dead as quakes strike Nicaraguan city.” New York Times. December 24, 1972. https://www.nytimes.com/1972/12/24/archives/thousands-dead-as-quakes-strike-nicaraguan-city-capital-battered.html
37. LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions, 227.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid., 229.
40. Ibid.,229–232.
41. Ibid., 233.
42. Richard L. Harris, “The Revolutionary Transformation of Nicaragua,” Latin American Perspectives 14, no. 1 (1987): 10.
43. Ibid., 6.
44. Rosario Montoya, Gendered Scenarios of Revolution: Making New Men and New Women in Nicaragua, 1975–2000 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2012), 10.
45. Verónica Rueda Estrada, “Movilizaciones campesinas en Nicaragua (1990-2018): De los Rearmados a los Autoconvocados,” Cuadernos Intercambio 16, no. 2 (2019): 4, https://revistas.ucr.ac.cr/index.php/intercambio/article/view/
37499/38535; “Las primeras medidas tuvieron el objetivo de erradicar a los grandes terratenientes, principalmente de la zona del Pacífico, estatizar los medios de producción y, con ello, reorganizar las actividades económicas a través de cooperativas de producción.”
46. Harris, “The Revolutionary Transformation of Nicaragua,” 10.
47. Joseph Betz, “Sandinista Nicaragua as a Deweyan Social Experiment,” Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 36, no. 1 (2000): 41.
48. William Blum, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions since World War II (London: Zed Books, 2014), 293.
49. Richard Sobel, “Contra Aid Fundamentals: Exploring the Intricacies and the Issues,” Political Science Quarterly (Academy of Political Science) 110, no. 2 (1995).
50. Roger Peace, “Winning Hearts and Minds: The Debate Over U.S. Intervention in Nicaragua in the 1980s,” Peace & Change 35, no. 1 (2010): 8, doi:10.111 1/j.1468–0130.2009.00611.
51. María Teresa Blandón, “Los cuerpos del feminismo nicaragüense,” in Antología del pensamiento crítico nicaragüense contemporáneo, ed. Juan Pablo Gómez and Camilo Antillón (Buenos Aires: Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, 2017), 357; “Las experiencias vividas por las feministas nicaragüenses durante la década revolucionaria (1979–1989) contribuyeron al reconocimiento—aunque no fuera totalmente consciente en su tiempo—de cómo el género y la clase se intersectan y condicionan la vida de las mujeres, como expresión de la articulación de dos sistemas de dominación—el capitalista y el patriarcal.…”
52. Mitchell A. Seligson and John A. Booth, “Political Culture and Regime Type: Evidence from Nicaragua and Costa Rica,” The Journal of Politics 55, no. 3 (1993): 778, https://doi.org/10.2307/2132001.
53. Mark Everingham, “Neoliberalism in a New Democracy: Elite Politics and State Reform in Nicaragua,” The Journal of Developing Areas 32, no. 2 (1998): 244–245, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4192756.
54. Karen Kampwirth, “Abortion, Antifeminism, and the Return of Daniel Ortega: In Nicaragua, Leftist Politics?” Latin American Perspective 35, no. 6 (2008): 122, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27648142
55. Kai M. Thaler, “Nicaragua: A Return to Caudillismo.” Journal of Democracy 28, no. 2 (2017): 158, https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2017.0032.
56. Ibid., 160.
57. As an example of applying institutional pressure and repressive measures against higher education, the Nicaraguan government has targeted the Universidad Centroamericana, the Jesuit university in Managua, for its critical thinking and freedom of thought, and, in retaliation, the half of the university’s budget covered by the government has been cut. There’s frequently a police cordon around the university, and the new laws that the government has passed to punish organizations seen as traitors means that the UCA is functioning without accreditation or permissions.
58. Amaru Ruiz and Mónica López Baltodano, “Las luchas del movimiento ambientalista de Nicaragua en el siglo XXI,” in Anhelos de un nuevo horizonte: Aportes para una Nicaragua democrática, ed. Alberto Cortés Ramos, Umanzor López, and Ludwig Moncada (San José: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, 2020), 615; “Esta expansión de la agenda ambiental ha sido posible sobre todo en este siglo, gracias al avance de las comunicaciones y al internet.”
59. José Luis Rocha, “Tres años de represión y exilio de los nicaragüenses: 2018–2021,” CETRI, November 12, 2021, 15, accessed November 23, 2021, https://www.cetri.be/Tres-anos-de-represion-y-exilio-de
60. Joshua Partlow, “They fled violence in Nicaragua by the thousands. What awaits them in Costa Rica?” The Washington Post, September 2, 2018, accessed October 19, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/they-fled-violence-in-nicaragua-by-the-thousands-what-awaits-them-in-costa-rica/2018/09/01/51d3f7ee-a62c-11e8-ad6f-080770dcddc2_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.939c446dfc13
61. Erin S. Finzer, “Modern Women Intellectuals and the Sandino Rebellion: Carmen Sobalvarro and Aura Rostand,” Latin American Research Review 56, no. 2 (2021): 468, https://doi.org/10.25222/larr.878
62. Lottie Cunningham Wren, “Pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes. La lucha por sus derechos humanos,” in Anhelos de un nuevo horizonte: Aportes para una Nicaragua democrática, ed. Alberto Cortés Ramos, Umanzor López, and Ludwig Moncada, 633-646 (San José: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, 2020).
63. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (OPHRD), Nicaragua: Joint briefing: A Year of Violence against Those Defending the Rights of the Mayangna and Miskitu Indigenous Peoples, January 29, 2021, accessed November 30, 2021, https://www.omct.org/en/resources/urgent-interventions/nicaragua-briefing-conjunto-un-a%C3%B1o-de-violencia-sistem%C3%A1tica-contra-quienes-defenden-los-derechos-ind%C3%ADgenas
64. The Oakland Institute, “Nicaragua’s Failed Revolution: The Indigenous Struggle for Saneamiento,” 2020: 6, accessed November 30, 2021, https://www.oaklandinstitute.org/sites/oaklandinstitute.org/files/
nicaraguas-failed-revolution.pdf
65. Jennifer Goett, “Beyond Left and Right: Grassroots Social Movements and Nicaragua’s Civic Insurrection,” LASA FORUM, 49, no. 4 (2019): 20.
66. Sam Jones, “Nicaragua, ‘A feeling of déjà vu’: Author Sergio Ramirez on ex-comrade Ortega and Nicaraguan history repeating.” The Guardian, September 18, 2021, accessed December 2, 2021, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/sep/18/sergio-ramirez-interview-nicaragua-ortega-novel
67. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, “Nicaragua: Concentración del poder y debilitamiento del Estado de Derecho,” 2021: 15, accessed January 25, 2022, https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/2021_Nicaragua-ES.pdf. “328 víctimas fatales en el contexto de la crisis y 1,614 personas que fueron privadas de la libertad; además, más de 136 personas permanecen privadas de la libertad; 150 estudiantes expulsados; más de 405 profesionales de la salud despedidos; y más de 103,600 nicaragüenses exiliados.”
68. Rocha, “Tres años de represión y exilio de los nicaragüenses,” 3; “Acicateados por el hambre y por el miedo se han ido decenas de miles de nicaragüenses. Cambiaron de país porque desesperaron de cambiar el país.”
CHAPTER SEVEN: A BRIEF HISTORY OF COSTA RICA
1. Frederick W. Lange and Richard M. Accola, “Metallurgy in Costa Rica,” Archaeology 32, no. 5 (1979): 33, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41726374.
2. D. K. M. K, “Costa Rica and the Invasion: Difficulties of a Central American Democracy,” The World Today 11, no. 3 (1955): 130.
3. Edelberto Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 9.
4. Tord Høvik and Solveig Aas, “Demilitarization in Costa Rica: A Farewell to Arms?” Journal of Peace Research 18, no. 4 (1981): 339.
5. Iván Molina and Steven Palmer, “Popular Literacy in a Tropical Democracy: Costa Rica 1850–1950,” Past & Present 184 (2004): 173.
6. Steven Palmer, “Getting to Know the Unknown Soldier: Official Nationalism in Liberal Costa Rica, 1880–1900,” Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (1993): 48.
7. Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America, 17.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Palmer, “Getting to Know the Unknown Soldier,” 45.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid., 51.
13. Ronald N. Harpelle, “Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa Rica’s Pacific Coast Banana Enclave,” The Americas 56, no. 3 (2000): 32.
14. Høvik and Aas, “Demilitarization in Costa Rica,” 335.
15. James L. Huesmann, “The Chinese in Costa Rica, 1855–1897,” The Historian 53, no. 4 (1991): 711.
16. Huesmann, “The Chinese in Costa Rica, 1855–1897,” 714.
17. Benjamín N. Narváez, “Re-envisioning Caribbean Costa Rica: Chinese-West Indian Interaction in Limón during the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” New West Indian Guide 95 (2021): 2.
18. David Díaz Arias and Ronald Soto Quirós, “Mestizaje, indígenas e identidad nacional en Centroamérica: De la Colonia a las Repúblicas Liberales,” Cuaderno de Ciencias Sociales 143 (2007): 57.
19. Harpelle, “Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa Rica’s Pacific Coast Banana Enclave,” 30.
20. Ibid., 40.
21. Huesmann, “The Chinese in Costa Rica, 1855–1897,” 715.
22. Ibid., 718.
23. Narváez, “Re-envisioning Caribbean Costa Rica,” 8.
24. Samuel M. Otterstrom, “Nicaraguan Migrants in Costa Rica during the 1990s: Gender Differences and Geographic Expansion,” Journal of Latin American Geography 7, no. 2 (2008): 8.
25. Høvik and Aas, “Demilitarization in Costa Rica,” 340.
26. Ibid.
27. Harpelle, “Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa Rica’s Pacific Coast Banana Enclave,” 41.
28. Høvik and Aas, “Demilitarization in Costa Rica,” 336.
29. Ibid.
30. D. K. M. K, “Costa Rica and the Invasion,” 134.
31. D. K. M. K, “Costa Rica and the Invasion,” 130.
32. Russell Leigh Sharman, “Re/Making La Negrita: Culture as an Aesthetic System in Costa Rica,” American Anthropologist 108, no. 4 (2006): 849.
33. Kyle Longley, “Peaceful Costa Rica, the First Battleground: The United States and the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948,” The Americas 50, no. 2 (1993): 170.
34. Ibid.,175.
35. Ibid.,70–71.
36. Ibid., 67.
37. Ibid., 69.
38. Michelle Christian, “‘. . . Latin America without the Downside’: Racial Exceptionalism and Global Tourism in Costa Rica,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 36, no. 10 (2013): 1600.
39. Víctor Hugo Acuña Ortega, “La invención de la diferencia costarricense, 1810–1870,” Antología del Pensamiento Crítico Costarricense Contemporáneo (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, 2019), 55.
40. Narváez, “Re-envisioning Caribbean Costa Rica,” 213.
41. Lisa Campo-Engelstein and Karen Meagher, “Costa Rica’s ‘White Legend’: How Racial Narratives Undermine its Health Care System,” Developing World Bioethics 11, no. 2 (2011): 100.
42. Christian, “‘. . . Latin America without the downside,’” 1603.
43. Campo-Engelstein and Meagher, “Costa Rica’s ‘White Legend,’” 100.
44. Campo-Engelstein and Meagher, “Costa Rica’s ‘White Legend,’” 104.
45. Aránzazu Robles Santana, “¿Ciudadanas? Mujeres indígenas en Costa Rica: Problemática historia e historiográfica sobre su acceso a la ciudadanía,” Diálogos, Revista Electrónica de Historia 13, no. 2 (2012): 58.
46. Ibid.,52–53.
47. Otterstrom, “Nicaraguan Migrants in Costa Rica during the 1990s: Gender Differences and Geographic Expansion,” 7.
48. Natalia Zamora and Vilma Obando, “Biodiversity and Tourism in Costa Rica,” March 2001, accessed February 3, 2022, https://www.cbd.int/doc/nbsap/tourism/CostaRica(Tourism).pdf
49. Zamora and Obando, “Biodiversity and Tourism in Costa Rica”; Crist Inman, “Tourism in Costa Rica: The Challenge of Competitiveness,” March 2002, accessed February 3, 2022, https://www.incae.edu/sites/default/files/cen653.pdf; Lynn R. Horton, “Buying Up Nature: Economic and Social Impacts of Costa Rica’s Ecotourism Boom,” Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 3 (2009): 93.
50. Lara Moragrega Martín, “Tourist Expansion and Development of Rural Communities: The Cast of Monteverde, Costa Rica,” Mountain Research and Development 24, no. 3 (2004): 202.
51. Carol Key and Vijayan K. Pillai, “Tourism and Ethnicity in Belize: A Qualitative Study,” International Review of Modern Sociology 33, no. 1 (2007): 133.
52. Michael J. Miller, “Biodiversity Policy Making in Costa Rica: Pursing Indigenous and Peasant Rights,” The Journal of Environment & Development 15, no. 4 (2006).
53. Donald Rojas, “Indígenas Ticos Pierden Tierras,” Ambien-Tico, October 10, 2001, accessed 27, 2021, https://www.ambientico.una.ac.cr/revista-ambientico/indigenas-ticos-pierden-tierras/
54. Miller, “Biodiversity Policy Making in Costa Rica,” 359.
55. Robles Santana, “¿Ciudadanas? Mujeres indígenas en Costa Rica,” 55.
56. Ibid., 54.
57. Ibid., 56.
58. Open Government Partnership, “Results of Early Open Government Partnership Initiatives,” 2016: 1, http://www.opengovpartnership.org/sites/default/files/case-study_Results-OGP-Early-Initiatives_20161201_2.pdf
59. Joshua Partlow, “They fled violence in Nicaragua by the thousands. What awaits them in Costa Rica?” The Washington Post, September 2 , 2018, accessed October 19, 2 019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/they-fled-violence-in-nicaragua-by-the-thousands-what-awaits-them-in-cota-rica/2018/09/01/51d3f7ee-a62c-11e8-ad6f-080770dcddc2_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.939c446dfc13
CHAPTER EIGHT: A BRIEF HISTORY OF PANAMA
1. The World Bank, “The World Bank in Panama,” 2016, accessed February 2, 2018, http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/Panama/overview
2. International Monetary Fund, “Report for Selected Countries and Subjects,” 2018, accessed February 2018.
3. Adam C. J. Menzies and Mikael J. Haller, “Embedded Craft Production at the Late Pre-Columbian (A.D. 900—1522) Community of He4 (El Hatillo), Central Region of Panama,” Canadian Journal of Archaeology 36, no. 1 (2012): 111.
4. Samir S. Patel, “Pirates of the Original Panama Canal,” Archaeology 66, no. 2 (2013): 35.
5. Menzies and Haller, “Embedded Craft Production at the Late Pre-Columbian,” 110.
6. Patel, “Pirates of the Original Panama Canal,” 32.
7. Ibid.
8. Richard G. Cooke and Beatriz Elena Rovira, “Historical Archaeology in Panama City,” Archaeology 36, no. 2 (1983): 51.
9. Peter M. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” International Journal on World Peace 19, no. 3 (2002): 63.
10. Augustus Campbell and Colin D. Campbell, “Crossing the Isthmus of Panama, 1849: The Letters of Dr. Augustus Campbell,” California History 78, no. 4 (1999): 227.
11. Cooke and Rovira, “Historical Archaeology in Panama City,” 51.
12. James Brown Scott, “The Treaty Between Colombia and the United States,” The American Journal of International Law 15, no. 3 (1921): 435.
13. Noel Maurer and Carlos Yu, “What T. R. Took: The Economic Impact of the Panama Canal, 1903–1937,” The Journal of Economic History 68, no. 3 (2008): 710.
14. Dimitrios Theodossopoulos, “With or Without Gringos: When Panamanians Talk about the United States and Its Citizens,” The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice 54, no. 1 (2010): 54.
15. Maurer and Yu, “What T. R. Took,” 689.
16. Rodolfo Sabonge and Ricardo J. Sánchez, “El Canal de Panamá en la economía de América Latina y el Caribe,” CEPAL – Colección Documentos de proyectos (2009): 22.
17. Brown Scott, “The Treaty Between Colombia and the United States,” 430.
18. Ibid., 431.
19. I. Roberto Eisenmann, “The Struggle against Noriega,” Journal of Democracy 1, no. 1 (1990): 42.
20. Lester D. Langley, “Negotiating New Treaties with Panama: 1936,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 48, no. 2 (1968): 222.
21. Langley, “Negotiating New Treaties with Panama: 1936,” 229.
22. Peter M. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” International Journal on World Peace 19, no. 3 (2002): 67.
23. Ibid.
24. Julie Velásquez Runk, “Indigenous Land and Environmental Conflicts in Panama: Neoliberal Multiculturalism, Changing Legislation, and Human Rights,” Journal of Latin American Geography 11, no. 2 (2012): 24.
25. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” 68.
26. Theodossopoulos, “With or Without Gringos,” 54.
27. Guillermo Castro Herrera, “On Cattle and Ships: Culture, History and Sustainable Development in Panama,” Environment and History 7, no. 2 (2001): 211.
28. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” 73.
29. Richard L. Millett, “The Aftermath of Intervention: Panama 1990,” Journal of Interamerican Studies 32, no. 1 (1990): 2.
30. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” 76.
31. Eisenmann, “The Struggle Against Noriega”; Millett, “The Aftermath of Intervention: Panama 1990.”
32. Eisenmann, “The Struggle Against Noriega,” 44.
33. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” 80–81.
34. Sanchez, “The End of Hegemony? Panama and the United States,” 81.
35. Ibid.
36. Millett, “The Aftermath of Intervention: Panama 1990,” 7.
37. Ibid., 8.
38. Ibid.
39. Velásquez Runk, “Indigenous Land and Environmental Conflicts in Panama,” 25.
40. Georges Priestley and Alberto Barrow, “El movimiento negro en Panamá: Una interpretación histórica y política, 1994–2004,” Política e identidad: Afrodescendientes en México y América Central (2010): 5.
41. Ibid., 10.
42. Ibid., 20.
43. Ibid., 31.
44. Lok Siu, “Cultural Citizenship of Diasporic Chinese in Panama,” Amerasia Journal 28, no. 2 (2002): 189–190, doi:10.17953/amer.28.2.117j7810478075h2.
45. Velásquez Runk, “Indigenous Land and Environmental Conflicts in Panama.”
46. Anthony J., Bebbington, Laura Aileen Sauls, Herman Rosa, Benjamin Fash, and Denise Humphreys Bebbington, “Conflicts over Extractivist Policy and the Forest Frontier in Central America,” European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies/Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y Del Caribe, no. 106 (2018): 121, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26608622.
47. Joan Martínez-Alier, “Conflictos ambientales en Centroamérica y las Antillas: Un rápido toxic tour,” Ecología Política 60 (2020): 48; Marco A. Gandaseguí, “Una historia política de Panamá: Movimientos populares y militarismo en Panamá,” Revista Conjeturas Sociológica 2, no. 4 (2014): 15.
48. Velásquez Runk, “Indigenous Land and Environmental Conflicts in Panama,” 25.
49. Barney Warf, “Tailored for Panama: Offshore Banking at the Crossroads of the Americas,” Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 84, no. 1 (2002): 37.
50. Ibid.,41.
CHAPTER NINE: THINKING IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ABOUT CENTRAL AMERICA TODAY
1. Edelberto Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 28.
2. Ralph Lee Woodward, Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala, 1821–1871 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1993), xiii.
3. James Quesada, “A Brief History of Nicaragua,” in Higher Education at the Crossroads of State Repression and Neoliberal Reform in Nicaragua: Reflections from a University under Fire in Nicaragua, ed. Wendi Bellanger, Serena Cosgrove, and Irina Carlota Silber (New York: Routledge, 2022).
4. “Troops Occupy El Salvador’s Legislature to Back President’s Crime Package,” NPR, February 10, 2020, accessed January 12, 2022, https://www.npr.org/2020/02/10/804407503/troops-occupy-el-salvadors-legislature-to-back-president-s-crime-package
5. “Joe Biden’s other headache: Democracy is quickly eroding in Central America,” The Economist, August 28, 2021, 26.
6. Omar Herrera Rodríguez, “La geopolítica contemporánea de Estados Unidos y el fin de Centroamérica,” Temas de Nuestra América 33, no. 62 (2017): 82–83; “Bajo estas nuevas coordenadas geopolíticas, cualquier proyecto social alternativo, debe considerar el ensanchamiento de los límites espaciales. Si bien, Centroamérica es una promesa y un horizonte para muchos, esta no puede dares sin considerar que está circunscrita a un espacio mayor de control, vigilancia y represión.”
7. Aviva Chomsky, Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2021), 38.
8. Rodríguez, “La geopolítica contemporánea de Estados Unidos y el fin de Centroamérica,” 71.
9. Marisa León-Gómez Sonet, “Immigration Policy Must Look Beyond the Border,” NACLA, June 8, 2021, accessed November 23, 2021, https://nacla.org/news/2021/06/08/immigration-policy-must-look-beyond-border
10. Martínez-Alier, “Conflictos ambientales en Centroamérica y las Antillas: un rápido toxic tour,” Ecología Política, 60 (2020): 44; “La presencia de empresas extractivistas de Canadá o Estados Unidos es una constante en la región, pero también aparecen empresas europeas y, cada vez más, chinas.”
11. Monserrat Sagot, “(Re) Definiendo las identidades y la acción política: Multitudes diversas, sujetos colectivos y movimientos sociales en la Centroamérica del nuevo milenio,” (Conferencia Inaugural del Ciclo Lectivo del 2007 Escuela de Antropología y Sociología Universidad de Costa Rica, San José, Costa Rica, 2007), 13; “Esto otorgaría a los nuevos movimientos una radicalidad de una naturaleza diferente, ya que sus luchas tienen como objetivo transformar lo cotidiano de los actores en el aquí y en el ahora y no necesariamente en un futuro lejano. De tal forma, la emancipación comienza ahora o no comienza nunca. . . la emancipación por la que luchan estos nuevos actores es ante todo personal, social y cultural.”
12. Ibid., 3.
13. Rosario Montoya, Gendered Scenarios of Revolution: Making New Men and New Women in Nicaragua, 1975–2000, 1st ed. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2012), 7.
14. Alberto Martín Álvarez, “Desafiando la hegemonía neoliberal: ideologías de cambio radical en la Centroamérica de posguerra,” Historia Actual Online 25 (2011): 116; “Cuál es la finalidad de un partido revolucionario si la revolución ya no es un proyecto posible.”
15. Martín Álvarez, “Desafiando la hegemonía neoliberal,” 117.
16. Martín Álvarez, “Desafiando la hegemonía neoliberal,” 120.
17. Sagot, “(Re) Definiendo las identidades y la acción política,” 6; “Estos nuevos movimientos se han convertido en lugares de producción de identidades que se resisten a la normalización, es decir, a ser parte de la norma unitaria, que desconfían del poder totalitario, sea de quien sea, y de los discursos ‘universalizantes.’ Se ha producido así una politización de otras áreas de la vida, que antes no eran consideradas como terreno para la acción política.”
18. Charles R. Hale, “Does Multiculturalism Menace? Governance, Cultural Rights and the Politics of Identity in Guatemala,” Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2002): 499.
19. José Luis Rocha, “Tres años de represión y exilio de los nicaragüenses: 2018–2021,” 5, CETRI, November 12, 2021, accessed November 23, 2021, https://www.cetri.be/Tres-anos-de-represion-y-exilio-de; “los centroamericanos que son castigados por querer trabajar donde no nacieron.”
20. Ibid., 2. “A mayor violencia, mayor migración.”; “La migración de las dos décadas que hacen de bisagra en el cambio de siglo fue acicateada por motivos económicos, por la inestabilidad política que en Honduras se profundizó tras el golpe de Estado de 2009 y por las múltiples violencias que se desplegaron en las tres naciones del norte de Centroamérica: entre otras, las protagonizadas por las poderosas pandillas trasnacionales llamadas ‘maras,’ la persecución de activistas indígenas y ambientalistas, y el sicariato al servicio de los narcos y de los acaparadores de tierras para proyectos turísticos, mineros, hidroeléctricos, inmobiliarios y especulativos.”
21. Ibid.
22. Carlos Sandoval-García, “Nicaraguan Immigration to Costa Rica: Tendencies, Policies, and Politics,” LASAForum Vol. xlvi, no. 4 (Fall 2015): 7.
23. María Jesús Mora, “Costa Rica Has Welcoming Policies for Migrants, but Nicaraguans Face Subtle Barriers,” Migration Policy Institute, November 5, 2021, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/costa-rica-nicaragua-migrants-subtle-barriers
24. Sonet, “Immigration Policy Must Look Beyond the Border.”
25. Giovanni Batz, “U.S. Policy Toward Central America Continues Legacy of Displacement,” NACLA, April 29, 2021, accessed November 23, 2021, https://nacla.org/news/2021/04/28/us-policy-central-america-migration-displacement