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table of contents
CONTENTS
| CHAPTER I | |
| Introduction | |
| Newer ideals of peace are dynamic; if made operative will do away with war as a natural process | 3 |
| Of the older ideals the appeal to pity is dogmatic | 4 |
| The appeal to the sense of prudence also dogmatic and at this moment seems impotent | 5 |
| Outlook for universal peace by international arbitration | 6 |
| Primitive and profound impulses operate against impulse to war | 8 |
| Appeal to pity and prudence unnecessary if the cosmopolitan interest in human affairs is utilized | 9 |
| Social morality originates in social affections | 11 |
| Emotion determines social relations in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city | 13 |
| New immigrants develop phenomenal powers of association | 14 |
| Their ideal of government includes kindliness as well as protection | 15 |
| Crowded city quarters the focal point of governmental progress | 16 |
| Life at these points must shape itself with reference to the demands of social justice | 17 |
| Simple foundations laid there for an international order | 18 |
| Ideals formed “in the depth of anonymous life” make for realization | 20 |
| Impulses toward compassionate conduct imperative | 21 |
| The internationalism of good will foreseen by the philosopher | 23 |
| A quickening concern for human welfare; international aspects illustrated by world-wide efforts to eradicate tuberculosis, first signs of the substitution of nurture for warfare | 25 |
| This substitution will be a natural process | 26 |
| Our very hope for it, a surrender to the ideals of the humble | 27 |
| Accounting must be taken between survivals of militarism and manifestations of newer humanitarianism | 28 |
| Tendency to idealization marked eighteenth-century humanitarian | 29 |
| Newer ideals of this century sustained only by knowledge and companionship | 30 |
| CHAPTER II | |
| Survivals of Militarism in City Government | |
| American Republic founded under the influence of doctrinaire eighteenth-century ideals. Failure in municipal administration largely due to their inadequacy | 31 |
| Modern substitutes of the evolutionary conception of progress for eighteenth-century idealism | 32 |
| Failure of adjustment between the old form of government and present condition results in reversion to military and legal type | 34 |
| National governmental machinery provides no vehicle for organized expression of popular will | 35 |
| Historic governments dependent upon force of arms | 36 |
| Founders placed too exclusive a value upon the principles defended by the War of the Revolution. Example of the overestimation of the spoils of war | 37 |
| Immigration problem an illustration of the failure to treat our growing Republic in a spirit of progressive and developing democracy | 39 |
| Present immigration due partly to the philosophic dogmas of the eighteenth-century. Theory of naturalization still rests upon those dogmas | 40 |
| No adequate formulization of newer philosophy although immigration situation has become much more industrial than political | 42 |
| Exploitation of immigrants carried on under guise of preparation for citizenship | 46 |
| Failure to develop a government fitted to varied peoples | 48 |
| Attitude of contempt for immigrant survival of a spirit of conqueror toward inferior people | 49 |
| Contempt reflected by children toward immigrant parents | 50 |
| Universal franchise implies a recognition of social needs and ideals | 52 |
| Difficulties of administering repressive government in a democracy | 54 |
| The attempt inevitably develops the corrupt politician as a friend of the vicious | 56 |
| He must be followed by successive reformers who represent the righteous and protect tax interests | 57 |
| Illustration from the point of view of humble people | 58 |
| Dramatic see-saw must continue until we attain the ideals of an evolutionary democracy | 59 |
| Community divided into repressive and repressed, representing conqueror and conquered | 60 |
| CHAPTER III | |
| Failure to Utilize Immigrants in City Government | |
| Democratic governments must reckon with the unsuccessful if only because they represent majority of citizens | 62 |
| To demand protection from unsuccessful is to fail in self-government | 63 |
| Study of immigrants might develop result in revived enthusiasm for human possibilities reacting upon ideals of government | 64 |
| Social resources of immigrants wasted through want of recognition of old habits | 65 |
| Illustrated by South Italians’ ability to combine community life with agricultural occupations, which is disregarded | 66 |
| Anglo-Saxon distrust of experiments with land tenure and taxation illustrated by Doukhobors | 67 |
| Immigrant’s contribution to city life | 69 |
| Military ideals blind statesmen to connection between social life and government | 70 |
| Corrupt politician who sees the connection often first friend of immigrant | 71 |
| Real statesmen would work out scheme of naturalization founded upon social needs | 72 |
| Intelligent co-operation of immigrants necessary for advancing social legislation | 74 |
| Daily experience of immigrants not to be ignored as basis of patriotism | 75 |
| Lack of cosmopolitan standard widens gulf between immigrant parents and children | 78 |
| Government is developing most rapidly in its relation to the young criminal and to the poor and dependent | 79 |
| Denver Juvenile Court is significant in its attitude toward repressive government | 81 |
| Good education in reform schools indicates compunction on the part of the State | 83 |
| Government functions extended to care of defectives and dependents | 84 |
| Ignores normal needs of every citizen | 85 |
| Socialists would meet the needs of workingmen by socialized legislation, but refuse to deal with the present state | 86 |
| At present radical changes must come from forces outside life of the people | 87 |
| Imperial governments are now concerning themselves with primitive essential needs of workingmen | 88 |
| Republics restrict functions of the government | 90 |
| Is America, in clinging to eighteenth-century traditions, losing its belief in the average man? | 91 |
| CHAPTER IV | |
| Militarism and Industrial Legislation | |
| American cities slow to consider immigration in relation to industry | 93 |
| Workingmen alone must regard them in relation to industrial situations | 94 |
| Assimilation of immigrants by workingman due both to economic pressure and to idealism | 95 |
| Illustrated by Stock Yards Strike | 96 |
| And by the strike in Anthracite Coal Fields | 97 |
| In the latter aroused public opinion forced Federal Government to deal with industrial conditions | 98 |
| In complicated modern society not always easy to see where social order lies | 101 |
| Chicago Stock Yards Strike illustrates such a situation | 104 |
| Government should have gained the enthusiasm immigrants gave to union | 107 |
| War element an essential part of strike | 109 |
| Appeal to loyalty the nearest approach to a moral appeal | 110 |
| Reluctance of United States Government to recognize matters of industry as germane to government | 112 |
| Resulting neglect of civic duty | 113 |
| The workingman’s attitude toward war as expressed by his international organization | 114 |
| Commerce the modern representative of conquest | 116 |
| Standard of life should be the test of a nation’s prosperity, so recognized by workingmen | 117 |
| Social amelioration undertaken by those in closest contact with social maladjustments | 118 |
| Present difficulties in social reform will continue until class interests are subordinated to a broader conception of social progress | 119 |
| If self-government were inaugurated by advanced thinkers now, they would make research into early forms of industrial governments | 121 |
| Autocratic European governments have recognized workingman’s need of protection | 122 |
| Has Democracy a right to refuse this protection? | 123 |
| CHAPTER V | |
| Group Morality in the Labor Movement | |
| Industrial changes which belong to the community as a whole have unfortunately divided it into two camps | 124 |
| These are typified by Employers’ Associations and Trades Unions each developing a group morality | 125 |
| Trade Unions at present illustrate the eternal compromise between the inner concept and the outer act | 127 |
| Present moment one of crisis in Trades Union development | 128 |
| Newly organized unions in war state of development responsible for serious mistakes | 130 |
| Tacit admission that a strike is war made during the Teamsters’ Strike in Chicago in 1905 | 132 |
| Temporary loss of belief in industrial arbitration | 134 |
| Teamsters’ Strike not adjudicated in court threw the entire city into state of warfare | 136 |
| New organizations of employers exhibit traits of militant youth | 138 |
| Public although powerless to intervene, sees grave social consequences | 140 |
| Division of community into classes; increase of race animosity; spirit of materialism | 141 |
| Class prejudice created among children still another social consequence | 142 |
| Disastrous effect of prolonged warfare upon the labor movement itself | 144 |
| Real effort of trades unions at present is for recognition of the principle of collective bargaining | 145 |
| Trades unions are forced to correct industrial ills inherent in the factory system itself | 146 |
| Illustration from limitation of output | 147 |
| Illustration from attitude towards improved machinery | 148 |
| Disregard of the machine as a social product makes for group morality on the part of the owner and employees | 149 |
| Contempt resulting from group morality justifies method of warfare | 150 |
| CHAPTER VI | |
| Protection of Children for Industrial Efficiency | |
| Deficiency in protective legislation | 151 |
| Contempt for immigrant because of his economic standing | 152 |
| National indifference to condition of working children | 154 |
| Temptation to use child labor peculiar to this industrial epoch | 155 |
| Our sensibilities deadened by familiarity | 155 |
| Protection of the young the concern of government | 156 |
| Effect of premature labor on the child | 158 |
| Effect of child labor on the family | 161 |
| Effect on the industrial product | 162 |
| Effect on civilization | 163 |
| Intelligent labor the most valuable asset of our industrial prosperity | 164 |
| Results of England’s foreign commercial policy | 165 |
| Lack of consistency in the relation of the state to the child in the United States | 166 |
| Failure of public school system to connect with present industrial development | 167 |
| Correlation of new education with industrial situation | 168 |
| Child labor legislation will secure to child its proper play period | 169 |
| Power of association developed through play | 171 |
| Co-operation, not coercion, the ideal factory discipline | 173 |
| Actual factory system divorced from the instinct of workmanship | 174 |
| The activity of youth should be valuable assets for citizenship as well as industry | 175 |
| Military survivals in city government destroys this asset | 176 |
| The gang a training school for group morality | 177 |
| Concern of modern government in the development of its citizens | 179 |
| CHAPTER VII | |
| Utilization of Women in City Government | |
| The modern city founded upon military ideals | 180 |
| Early franchise justly given to grown men on basis of military duty | 181 |
| This early test no longer fitted to the modern city whose problems are internal | 182 |
| Women’s experience in household details valuable to civic housekeeping. No method of making it available | 184 |
| Municipal suffrage to be regarded not as a right or a privilege, but as a piece of governmental machinery | 187 |
| Franchise not only valuable as exercised by educated women, matters to be decided upon too basic to be influenced by modern education | 188 |
| Census of 1900 shows greater increase of workingwomen than of men and increasing youth of working women | 189 |
| Concerted action of women necessary to bring about industrial protection | 191 |
| Women can control surroundings of their work only by means of franchise | 192 |
| Unfair to put task of industrial protection upon women’s trades unions as it often confuses issues | 194 |
| Closer connection between industry and government would result if working women were enfranchised | 196 |
| Failure to educate women to industrial life disastrous to industry itself and to women as employers | 197 |
| Situation must be viewed in relation to recent immigration and in connection with present stage of factory system in America | 199 |