Chapter 1. The Anomic Division of Labor

Until now we have studied the division of labor as a normal phenomenon, but, like all social facts (and biological facts as well), there are pathological forms we must analyze. If, normally, the division of labor produces social solidarity, sometimes it does the opposite.  We must find out what makes it deviate from its natural direction.  Otherwise, we are in danger of assuming the division of labor is the cause of these un-solidaristic conflicts.  In addition, studying these deviating forms will allow us to determine the conditions of existence of the normal state a little better.  When we understand the circumstances in which the division of labor ceases to produce solidarity, we may better know what is necessary for it do so.  Here, as always, understanding pathology is a valuable aid of study.

We will explore three types of the exceptional pathological state, not because there are no others, but because these three are the most prevalent and the most serious.

Section 1. Examples of solidarity breaking down

[The first case happens during industrial or commercial crises, which we can see as breaks in organic solidarity.  Certain social functions are not adjusted to one another. The second case has as its example the conflict between capital and labor.  As organizations grow, it is more difficult for all the parts to be effectively encompassed.  We will see in the next chapter that there are also other reasons for the breakdown of solidarity between capital and labor but certainly a lack of regulation and connections is a primary cause.  We know this because small-scale industry still tends to more harmonious. We can see yet another example in academia.  Where scholars used to be part of a whole enterprise, they are so specialized now that they are sometimes in conflict with each other.]

Section 2. Seriousness of the problem

What makes these facts serious is that they have at times been considered natural effects of increasing specialization.  It is said that the individual becomes so isolated in her activity that she cannot appreciate the work of her fellows.  As a result, increasing the division of labor will only lead to a breakdown of society.

If this were true, the division of labor would, by its very nature, work to dissolve rather than bind society.

Section 3. Examples of Lack of Regulation leading to Conflict; Explaining Anomie

We know that wherever organic solidarity is observed, we encounter at the same time an adequately developed regulatory system which determines the mutual relations of functions. For organic solidarity to exist, it is not sufficient that there is a system of organs dependent upon each other, but also that the way in which they come together be predetermined in some manner. Otherwise, new calibrations would constantly be necessary to create an equilibrium, as one part treats another part as adversary rather than supplementary assistance.  One could hardly expect solidarity if mutual obligations had to be freshly fought over in each particular instance of specialization.

If the division of labor does not produce solidarity in such cases [examples omitted], it is because the relations of the organs are not regulated.  Rather, they are in a state of anomie.

But where does this state of anomie come from?

We can begin by saying that the state of anomie is impossible wherever organs are sufficiently in contact or sufficiently prolonged such that a body of rules spontaneously emerges to establish relations between social functions.

A function can be shared between two or more parts of an organism only if these parts are more or less contiguous.  Once labor is divided, thereby creating more interdependent functions, the distance separating organs lessens.

But a set of exceptional circumstances, as in the case we have been discussing, can work differently. Take the case of trade.  As the organized type develops, markets merge, eventually embracing the whole of society.  Borders break down.  The result is that each industry produces for consumers over the whole surface of the planet.  In this circumstance, mere contact is no longer sufficient to generate regulation.  Production appears limitless, and it becomes wild and unregulated.  From this come recurrent economic crises.

As the market extends beyond the vision of any one producer (or consumer), great industries appear and, with them, new relations between employers and employees.  Machines replace people; manufacturing replaces craftsmanship.  The worker is regimented, separated from her family during the day.  Unlike the worker of the middle ages, which often roomed with or near their employer, workers now live very far from their employers. These are all relatively new conditions of industrial life and demand a new organization.  The problem is, as these changes have occurred so rapidly, the potential conflicts of interest have yet to be equilibrated.

Looking at things this way permits us to rebut one of the great charges made against the division of labor.  It has been said that the division of labor degrades the worker by making him a mere machine.  Every day he repeats the same movements with monotonous regularity, without taking any personal interest in them, and without understanding them.  He is no longer a living cell of a living organism but merely an inert piece of machinery, a mere set of hands put to work in the same direction and in the same way.

As a remedy for this state of things it has sometimes been proposed that workers be given a general education, above and beyond any technical training for work.  But let us suppose that we can relieve some of these bad effects attributed to the division of labor in this way, that is not a means of preventing those bad effects. The division is not going to change simply because workers are better educated.  Without a doubt it is good for the worker to be interested in art, literature, etc. but none of this is going to change the fact that she is being treated like a machine at work all day long!  Such a remedy would merely make specialization intolerable and therefore impossible.

[What then is the solution?] In order for the division of labor to develop without having disastrous consequences on us, it is sufficient for it to be wholly itself, for nothing external to temper it.  Normally, the role of each special function does not hem us in our individual siloes, but rather keeps us in constant relations with all the neighboring functions, keeping us aware to other needs and changes.  The division of labor presumes that we do not lose sight of our collaborators, and that we act upon them and react upon them.  We are not mere machines that repeat movements without knowing their meaning, but rather are we conscious that our movements tend, in some way, towards some ultimate goal, which we may or may not have a clear picture of in our minds.  We feel that we are serving something.  As special and uniform (or monotonous or tedious) as our activity may be, it is that of an intelligent being, for it has a direction and we know that.